Topical events have led me to somewhat neglect this "short chronicle"; and it's moving, moving, the debate on the future of Europe. Any observer unable to have followed it for the past two months would now observe radical progress.
- there is an end the traditional diplomatic method for negotiations on the revision of the EU Treaty. Now, the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) will simply represent the final phase of negotiations, whereas most of the work will have been undertaken by the Convention, in which taking part will be the European Parliament, national parliaments and the European Commission alongside governments. Is there any need to say that democracy and transparency have all to gain?
- the composition and the brief of the Convention have already been the subject a broad convergence between the Fifteen, and Friday, the Heads of Government meeting in Ghent will doubtless provide further elements.
- the ongoing preparatory debates, both at European and national levels in most Member States, are already sketching some directions regarding the content of the reforms to be envisaged, notably the reform of the Council.
However, what has so far been achieved calls for some remarks (that are not all reassuring):
a) the composition will be dominated by parliamentary representatives, 42 of the 62, 16 of whom for the European Parliament and 30 for national parliaments, whereas there will be 15 governmental representatives and the Commission will have one. To this must be added the representatives of candidate countries, who will be "closely associated" but with no vote on the texts, and the "observers" of the Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions;
b) some people close to the work have, moreover, observed, with a hint of malice, that the reasoning behind the composition of the Convention could be reversed. Instead of observing that parliamentarians dominate, one could observe that the representatives of the Member States dominate (30 for national parliaments, 15 for governments) in relation to the representatives of Community institutions (16 for the EP, 1 for the Commission);
c) the Chair of the Convention will doubtless not be appointed before the Laeken Summit, in December. The self-candidature of Giuliano Amato remains, as well as a Finnish candidacy, whereas Wim Kok has ruled himself out. There has recently been a question of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, who would probably be available if asked. I believe that would be a very good choice.
d) ministers have agreed that the Presidium to assist the chair in managing work, will be composed of "at least one member of each o the components of the Convention", which would give four members: an MEP, a national parliamentarian, a governmental representative and one for the Commission. But it seems sure that added to that will be three representatives of the "Troika of the Council Presidency" (Belgium, Spain and Denmark, to start with), as the Presidency has direct responsibility for preparing and the unfolding of the work and its presence is appropriate if only for practical reasons.
e) the Secretariat will come from the Council's General Secretariat, ministers have decided. In fact, it seem normal that the secretariats of the European Parliament and Commission should also be represented; they no doubt will be.
f) the liaison between the Convention and civil society will be assured, but ministers have not opted for the formula of a standing "Forum" of civil society. They have, on the other hand, provided for the Convention organising hearings with a network of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the arrangements for which remain to be fleshed out. My impression is that there remains a certain mistrust vis-à-vis NGOs; some recent unfortunate events (to which I shall return) are not foreign to this. It is regrettable that highly prestigious NGOs and with an impeccable conduct in the defence off the general interest should suffer the rebound of the fanatical attitude of other NGOs, for their part pursuing purely politically partisan goals. NGOs themselves will have to clean up their act among their ranks; but how?
g) the timetable is simple: opening of work as soon as possible in 2002, under the Spanish Presidency, and conclusion some one year later. The only innovation introduced by Ministers is "time for reflection" between the Convention and the beginning of the conclusive IGC, so as to leave the fifteen governments (and those of candidate countries) the time to "digest" the results.
One essential point remains to be clarified: the task of the Convention. We shall return to that tomorrow.
(F.R.)