Border controls, the war in Ukraine, military investment... Europe was everywhere in the background during the debates between the four main candidates for the Chancellorship in the German elections on 23 February. While focusing on domestic issues, the candidates revealed their convergences and divergences, which will enable the future coalition government to speak with one voice, or not, in Brussels.
‘Europe United’ versus ‘Dexit’. Describing himself as a “passionate European”, CDU candidate Friedrich Merz is tipped to lead the future coalition with over 30% of voting intentions. Although he hardly ever uttered the word ‘Europe’ during the debates, he announced that he intends to involve the Chancellery directly in European issues if he is elected.
“Because we have something to say, because we want to influence the direction in which this European Union is going”, the Ministers of his future government will have to be personally present at all European meetings, he assured.
From the outset, the future coalition will have to “have one strong position in the EU, not two different positions”, commented Andreas Jung, Deputy Leader of the CDU, at a debate organised by the Delors Institute in Berlin. To achieve this, the government will have to “invest time upfront to present a single position to Brussels”, he asserted.
The Greens’ candidate, Robert Habeck, is undoubtedly the one who most often brought the European question into the debates. With 13% of the vote, he explained that he could only take part in a coalition if it was resolutely “at the service of the European cause”. The Greens have the greatest ambitions for Europe, with a project for a federation with greater powers. “Our answer to ‘America First’ is not ‘Germany First’ (...), but ‘Europe United’”, explained the coalition government’s current Economics Minister. His party therefore advocates a “strengthened, enlarged and reformed” Union.
At the opposite end of the spectrum, the AfD confirms the anti-European position that underpinned the creation of the party in 2013. Even if the head of the far-right party’s list, Alice Weidel, remains discreet on European issues during the debates, the AfD’s programme is clearly a ‘Dexit’. In other words: “Germany must leave the EU and found a new European community” bringing together a Europe of Nations, states the party’s programme.
At the centre of the latest European storms, the current Chancellor and SPD candidate for his succession, Olaf Scholz, is defending compliance with current European rules. His party advocates, among other things, generalised qualified majority voting at EU Council meetings, a right of initiative for the European Parliament and greater solidarity in defence and asylum policies.
Border controls under debate. “While the AfD has been kept out of a possible coalition government, it has nonetheless left its mark on the German debate by placing immigration at its centre”, points out Paul Maurice of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri). The attacks in Magdeburg and Aschaffenburg have sharpened the focus and helped make the AfD the country’s second largest political force with 20% of voting intentions.
For months, CDU leader Friedrich Merz had made border control one of his campaign themes. He is now announcing fundamental changes to migration policy “from day one” of his term of office. “We will extend the necessary border controls in Germany for as long as necessary”, states the CDU/CSU programme. The Conservatives also want to “de facto” freeze the reception of asylum seekers, suspend family reunification, abolish subsidiary protection status and turn back people from other EU Member States.
“We are also committed to stricter rules in Europe”, explains the CDU. At the same time, the Conservatives are calling for Frontex to be given more staff and more powers, turning it into a “real border police force”. In particular, the CDU believes that “Frontex should gradually be given its own border sections to protect”.
The SPD, with 15% of voting intentions and seen as the CDU’s most likely partner in a future coalition, clearly stands out on this issue. The SPD programme defends “a society that is open to the world” and protects those in need. The Social Democrats are counting on the Common European Asylum System, due to come into force in 2026, to ensure that migrants are distributed among all the Member States in a way that shows “real solidarity”.
The temporary reintroduction of internal border controls must “remain an absolute exception”, argues Olaf Scholz’s party. The current Chancellor was the most vociferous during the debates, reaffirming that Germany cannot violate European law by turning asylum seekers back at the border. For the SPD, “rescue at sea is an obligation under international maritime law and must not be criminalised”.
“European bureaucracy”. On the other hand, the SPD remains very vague about its economic ambitions for Europe. The party nevertheless reaffirmed its support for the ‘Green Deal’, which should make Europe “the first climate-neutral continent”.
In contrast, Friedrich Merz wants to “reverse the trend in European bureaucracy” and is calling into question part of the acquis communautaire. As such, he aims to “put an end” to regulations such as the taxonomy for sustainable investments or Corporate Sustainability Reporting. The ambition to exclude petrol engines by 2035 is being contested by the CDU, from which the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, hails.
The CDU/CSU also hopes that in Europe, “in a tense situation, energy tax and revenue tax can be reduced quickly and without tedious authorisation for everyday consumer goods”. Friedrich Merz’s party is aiming for a reform of “modern” competition law, based “on the global market as a benchmark”. Putting his own house in order first, he assures us that national over-regulation in relation to European law will be “dismantled”.
The CDU/CSU is joined on this point by the FDP Liberals, who have made bureaucracy their bête noire. Strongly committed to new technologies, the FDP is advocating the creation of a European equivalent of the American Darpa (‘Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency’) to fund and stimulate research into dual-use technologies, both military and civilian. Although the Liberals have only just reached the 5% of voting intentions that would take them into the Bundestag, they currently have little chance of participating in a coalition.
Resolutely pro-European, the Greens deal only marginally with internal market issues. They are primarily counting on Europe to help them cope with rising international tensions. Policy towards China and the United States requires greater attention from the EU than laws and regulations, says Robert Habeck. “Looking inwards is no longer enough”, he explained during the debates, calling on Europeans to “change perspective”.
The AfD’s rejection of the EU includes calls for the dismantling of the latest legislation on digital services (DSA) and data protection (GDPR), and rejection of legislation on cyber security and artificial intelligence. The AfD also takes issue with the Bologna process on the recognition of diplomas, which has “reduced academic freedom”.
Defence. The SPD and CDU/CSU converge on most foreign and defence policy issues, albeit with some nuances. Friedrich Merz has said he is open to the EU pooling its debts to finance European defence, whereas Chancellor Olaf Scholz opposed this at the European summit in February.
The CDU also goes further, suggesting the introduction of a form of compulsory military service including European missions. The Social Democrats, on the other hand, oppose the introduction of compulsory military service, but would like to integrate the Bundeswehr, “in collaboration with other European armed forces, into a defence union integrated into NATO structures”.
The German left, Die Linke and BSW, are in direct opposition to the two traditional ‘big parties’, arguing for an army confined to national defence and for the country to disengage from Ukraine. With 6% of voting intentions for Die Linke, heir to the Communists, and 4% for the party created by its dissident Sahra Wagenknecht, the two left-wing formations are not yet certain of passing the 5% mark that would allow them to enter the Bundestag.
Weimar Triangle. With the elections only a few days away, the debate is naturally focused on domestic issues. However, the prospective Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has announced that his first act will be to visit France and Poland to “repair” the Weimar Triangle between the three countries.
With his reputation as a Francophile, Friedrich Merz hopes to have a better relationship with French President Emmanuel Macron than Olaf Scholz. In any case, he intends to defend “legitimate national interests in a strategic and intelligent way, instead of giving arrogant lessons to our international partners”. (Original version in French by Nathalie Steiwer)