L’Europe et ses défis
This erudite book plunges its readers into history in search of the European identity, before placing before them a highly edifying panorama of the challenges facing Europe.
“First and foremost, we are the children of Rome and Greece, shaped by measure, reason, the conscience of the individual, but also by the excess of power and justice that stems from law. The peak of Jewish and Christian contributions traverse this crude summation by throwing into the western cauldron the single god, Jewish hope, the message of the Election, the shining eschatology of New Jerusalem and, in the same movement, the challenge of incarnation, the folly of the resurrection and the closely-woven mesh of the fraternity”, write former senior civil servant Patrice Obert and Gérard Vernier, who worked for 40 years at the European Commission (our translation throughout). They go on to use two images to illustrate the “evolving civilisation” of Europe: a sponge to symbolise its absorption capacity and a voltmeter, because “Europe is not Athens, Rome or Jerusalem”. “It is a coexistence of civilisations under tension. It is multiple. This is what makes it so difficult to grasp”, the authors argue, adding that “in every field, these multiple heritages create options. Nothing is ever set out in writing. These options may coincide, clash, complement each other, rule each other out. Consequently, over the centuries, a multifaceted game has been played out, that can be arranged for ease of comprehension into several debates which echo collectively and within each individual”.
“By dint of the diversity of these heritages, the Europeans are betrayed by their contradictory visions. Shaped by the Greco-Roman synthesis and, whether they accept it or try to deny it, by the monotheist culture that places upon their shoulders the responsibility for the planet and co-participation in the divine creation, they explore the world, often uncontrollably and always with dissatisfaction at their inadequacies and clumsiness at the core of their beings. Despite themselves, they carry all these heritages, all this tension, these phobias and this enthusiasm, these risks and these illuminations, these horrors and these masterpieces, within themselves”, the authors write. They add that “wherever other civilisations have discovered wisdom in renunciation or contemplation, the Europeans, now overhung by the West, heap experience on top of experience, push themselves forward, give meaning to the movement, unable to understand that the path they are treading leads to their interiority. Always seeking, haunted by their fears, spurred by the demon of adventure, screaming their rebellion, sweeping away the space of their indefatigable intelligence, the people of the West sometimes move forward by forgetting to move themselves”.
Discussing one of the markers of European civilisation, secularisation, Obert and Vernier point out that it “recognises the freedom of conscience, the freedom to practice one’s religion, the freedom not to have one and the freedom to change religion”, but stresses that this also brings with it the risk of “sliding into impoverishment when, under the cover of neutrality and relativism, it prevents the expression of differences and ends up tolerating nothing that cannot be bought and sold”.
“Europe as a power was born, without realising it, in the mid-16th century, when the Spaniards and Genoese seized vast territories in South America, which was not naturally called that. They were convinced of their natural and cultural superiority. They had civilisation, culture and knowledge. Their conquest was based on military power, thanks to invincible weapons, on the devastation caused by the epidemic diseases they spread and on efficient administration", the authors write, going on to observe that “we struggle to imagine ourselves back in that far-distant time, to understand the whys and wherefores of the infamous controversy of Valladolid, which ended in 1550 with an acknowledgement that the Indians had a soul, even more so to accept the global trade that would develop to supply America with labour bought cheaply in Africa through much local and, already, international complicity. This European domination would snowball to reach its peak in the 19th century and take the name of imperialism”.
Obert and Vernier go on to identify eight major challenges to which the European Union must respond: (1) preparing for and tackling future pandemics; (2) enlargement, in particular Ukraine; (3) European defence; (4) migration; (5) the desperate need for a Europe based on solidarity; (6) the ecological, digital, demographic and energy transitions; (7) Europe’s place in the world; (8) the need for solid institutions and resources.
“It is our firm belief that we need a strong, sovereign Europe, wealthy from its numerous heritages and with the courage of its ambitions”, the authors state, going on to add that “as for power, Europe has used it and even abused it. It has crossed the desert of destruction and developed knowledge that is based on law and soft power, the art of negotiation, of dialogue, of development aid. We note the increase in defence spending on all continents, the ambition of many countries to acquire nuclear weapons. We must, unfortunately, note that the status of nuclear power has allowed Russia to attack Ukraine without fear of violent reprisals and that, in the face of the imperialism of Vladimir Putin, as previously, against Hitler’s expansionism, weakness is the first step on the path to subjugation. The incipient multi-polar world does not carry the promise of the multilateralism defended by the Europeans in the past, but rather global confrontation. It is our firm belief that the European Union must therefore continue, as quickly as it can, its evolution into a continental power, while bearing its specific nature in mind”.
They go on to conclude that “in the eyes of the world, European integration is and remains this extraordinary adventure of a return to peace, allowing us to bring together freedom, equality and solidarity, in default of finding a brotherhood that remains a utopia. Who would not dream of the same in the Middle East, in Africa, between India and Pakistan, between Tibet and China, between North Korea and South Korea, between Russia and Ukraine? Aspiring humanity needs a strong and free Europe, it needs Europeans. We must not let History down”. (Olivier Jehin)
Patrice Obert and Gérard Vernier. L’Europe et ses défis – L’émergence d’une puissance continentale (available in French only). L’Harmattan. ISBN: 978-2-3364-4654-7. 199 pages. €22,00
Ten Ideas for the New Team
On Tuesday 10 September, the European Union Institute for Security Studies published a Chaillot paper setting forth ten ideas for the new team that will be formed over the next few months. Here is a brief overview of what we feel are the most relevant of these.
“We must turn the European Council into a Council for the defence of Europe”, Steven Everts writes. How can this be done? By dedicating the first day of each meeting to security matters and this must not take the form of a debate with broad conclusions on the crisis or crises du jour. Effectively, this session of the European Council must become a “decision forum “.
To this end, the EU High Representative should be authorised to present each meeting, on the basis of instruments of the EEAS, the CSDP and policies and instruments of the Commissioners and Directorates General of the Commission concerned, proposed specific decisions or options to prevent or respond to all threats. This would involve the High Representative, in his or her capacity as First Vice-President, overseeing the “work of the other Commissioners and DGs involved in the security domain”.
In addition to the ordinary work of preparing these “political packages” involving the EEAS, the Commission, the permanent representatives and the Council of Foreign Affairs Ministers, the author makes the case for bringing in quarterly meetings of a ‘Jumbo’ Council under the chairmanship of the High Representative and attended by the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Home Affairs Ministers, to ensure that all aspects of security, both internal and external, are adequately taken into account. This could be complemented by a monthly meeting of the national security advisers.
The development of the CSDP has caused a mushrooming of missions and operations, spreading limited resources too thinly and negatively affecting outcomes. In the first half of 2024, for instance, there were no fewer than 24 missions and operations involving a total of 3500 soldiers and 1300 civilians deployed. These operations and missions are “too many and too small”, according to Jan Joel Andersson. The author suggests boosting efficiency by focusing efforts on the immediate neighbourhood (Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, the Balkans and the Mediterranean) and maritime security (Gulf of Guinea, Western Indian Ocean and the Red Sea). Further efforts could be considered in terms of a “more permanent European naval presence” in the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea.
Giuseppe Spatafora makes the case for transferring training of the EUMAM to Ukraine, where it would be more effective, as it would be better adapted to Ukrainian needs, and would resolve the logistical problems of travelling through Europe, with the possibility of training more recruits. This idea has the partial support of certain member states, but was firmly rejected at the most recent informal meeting of the defence ministers. Failing a full transfer, Spatafora considers that coalitions of the states that are more open to the idea should be able to undertake this training work on Ukrainian soil.
In its current form, the neighbourhood policy is “obsolete” and ineffectual due to its “one-size-fits-all” approach, which needs to be adapted to take account of the needs and aspirations of the countries of the southern Mediterranean. If this is not done, the EU’s already reduced role could become further weakened as Russia, China and Turkey, but also Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have gained a foothold of influence in the region, Dalia Ghanem explains. She calls on the EU to develop more specific bilateral relations with each of these countries. The observation is the same to the east of the EU, where Ondrej Ditrych considers that the opportunity of the summit scheduled for next year should be seized to overhaul the Eastern Partnership, proposing closer integration on political, economic and societal levels, rather than just cooperation projects.
Building strength through gradual integration is the idea defended by Bojana Zorić, who refers in particular to Albania, Montenegro and North Macedonia. Stressing that these three countries invest the same or more in defence than 14 EU member states (in percentage of GDP terms), she suggests that they be offered the role of observer (participation without voting rights) at the EU Foreign Affairs Council.
Global geopolitical developments and the aspirations of the emerging countries (Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Turkey) should prompt the Commission to create a new Directorates General, “Rising”, with a dedicated Commissioner, argues Amaia Sanchez-Cacicedo.
The Union must abandon its illusions concerning China and the nature of the partnerships it is developing, particularly with Russia and Iran, once and for all and respond by standing firmer. Alice Ekman calls for pressure to be kept up on Chinese exports of dual-use goods contributing to the Russian war effort in Ukraine, but also by adopting and implementing additional sanctions against Chinese entities, but here again, there should be no illusions as to the effects of these sanctions.
More than 75% of semiconductors are produced in Taiwan, South Korea, China and Japan, and any conflict in the region, blockade or invasion of Taiwan would have serious consequences for the EU, Joris Teer stresses. The author recommends preventative measures including (1) developing an action plan to reinforce the EU’s support to the deterrence efforts of the United States in the region; (2) identifying, upstream, Chinese dependencies on products and services from the EU so as to be in a position to bring pressure to bear swiftly, if necessary; (3) to this end, prepare detailed sanctions packages, with differing levels of ambition. (OJ)
Steven Everts and Bojana Zoric (editors). Ten Ideas for the New Team – How the EU can navigate a power political world. EUISS. Chaillot Paper no. 185, September 2024. ISBN: 978-9-2946-2353-9. 58 pages. The paper can be downloaded free of charge from the Institute’s website: https://aeur.eu/f/dlr