In the run-up to the European elections, the competing national parties publish their ‘programmes’. At EU level, the European political parties or families agree on a general text, a ‘manifesto’, which sums up their political ambitions for the forthcoming parliamentary term and is meant as a kind of guide for voters, then the MEPs. Taking a comparative look at these documents is time well spent.
The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR group at the EP) have simply adopted the skimpy ‘Reykjavík Declaration’, reiterating their commitment to a Europe of independent nations. As for the families currently represented by the groups ‘Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy’ (EFDD) and ‘Europe of Nations and Freedom’ (ENF), we have to rely upon the declarations of their leaders (Farage, Salvini, Le Pen etc.), whose immutable ideas are well known to all.
What used to be the GUE/NGL, and is now split between at least three different tendencies, no longer has a joint programme. The ‘European Left’ is sticking to its founding manifesto. ‘Now the People’ is working on the basis of a short declaration adopted in 2018, insisting that it is ‘time to break with the undemocratic European treaties (…) and [refute] the logic of imposed austerity and promotion of social and fiscal dumping’. DIEM25, which is very much a transnational movement, has a manifesto which proclaims that ‘the EU will either be democratised or it will disintegrate!’
In its ‘Amsterdam Declaration’, incidentally, the fledgling citizens’ movement VOLT adopted a highly inspirational federalist and eco-social manifesto (see EUROPE 12250/6).
The mainstream parties at the EP (EPP, PES, ALDE, Greens) each have their manifestoes. We also have to consider the French manifesto known as ‘Renaissance’, of the pro-Macron list; it is already betrothed to the ALDE, whose ranks it is expected to swell to the tune of around 20 (see EUROPE 12251/6).
These documents are the lowest common denominator between national parties. Their size is therefore a useful key: somewhere between the PES’s four pages and the Greens’ nineteen, we will find the ALDE, the EPP, ‘Renaissance’ and VOLT. The richest texts are those of the Greens and ‘Renaissance’. The opening paragraphs set the tone: security and migration for the EPP; the key values of freedom and democracy (denouncing populists and nationalists) for the ALDE; social progress with a Europe of equality and equity for the PES; imminent ecological disaster for ‘Renaissance’ and the Greens; the ravages of capitalism for the European Left; the disastrous economic policy pursued by the technocrats of Brussels for DIEM25.
Our Bulletin has already laid bare the differences between the parties’ manifestoes, in the fields of migration (see EUROPE 12250/7), social policy (see EUROPE 12250/9), climate (see EUROPE 12255/5), energy (see EUROPE 12255/7) and terrorism (see EUROPE 12255/8). This Wednesday and Thursday, it will repeat the exercise for issues related to external action and international trade. The idea of a minimum wage appears in the manifestoes of the PES, the Greens and ‘Renaissance’, but not in the future ally of the last of these, the ALDE, which makes no mention of poverty or social inclusion; similarly, the PES barely touches upon terrorism and European defence. The EPP is the only one to come out against Turkey joining the EU. We could go on indefinitely with these comparisons, subject area by subject area. Let us instead focus on the two aspects that shape all others: budget of the EU and how its institutions function.
Concerning the budget, first of all, there is not a word on this from the EPP, the far right or the radical left. The Greens are the only ones calling for a more ambitious budget for the EU, to be paid for out of ecological-minded taxes. The PES and ‘Renaissance’ call for the Eurozone to have its own budget, whilst the ALDE makes the case for a European Monetary Fund and quality budgetary management. All parties are silent on the figures. The sizeable issue of the forthcoming multiannual financial framework appears nowhere.
On the institutions and democracy, DIEM25 wants nothing short of revolution, starting with total transparency, with the next steps to be proposed at a later date. VOLT is alone in envisaging a President of the EU elected by its citizens. The PES goes no further than to encourage democracy and proposes to make 9 May a bank holiday in all member states. Only the Greens and ‘Renaissance’ have anything to say about the European citizens’ initiative; the former in support of it, up to and including calls for treaty reform; the latter calling for the Council and Parliament to take ownership of it; indeed, the only mention of the Commission is a call to reduce the number of its members.
A very important point to make is that the EPP, ALDE, Renaissance and Greens feel that the Parliament should have a right of legislative initiative. It’s nice that they all agree on this, but this measure would call for treaty reform! Logically, therefore, the members of these parties with seats at the European Council will actually be the ones calling this particular shot… The Greens are the only party that sets out a process for a revision of the treaties, calling for co-decision to be rolled out to all areas. The EPP argues for qualified majority voting to be used in foreign policy matters. From the PES, deafening silence.
Renaud Denuit