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Europe Daily Bulletin No. 8168
A LOOK BEHIND THE NEWS /

Jacques Delors' recipe for the enlarged Europe - Candidate countries have not to fear "differentiation", nor is their national identity placed in danger

Regret for what could have been. Jacques Delors carries within him the regret for what could have been and what did not happen at the time of the collapse of the Berlin Wall. He had suggested at the time immediately offering all countries of Central and Eastern Europe a European Confederation that would have represented the "political roof" for later achievements, providing these countries with the feeling of belonging to Europe, without waiting for negotiations and the difficult reforms to go further. Thus, accession negotiations could then have unfolded without the pressure of urgency, and each Eastern state would have been able to opt for its relations with the EU in all serenity. We cannot go back. We must now conclude negotiations in the time allocated and in a reasonable manner, without ever losing sight of the political, moral and cultural significance of Europe's reunification.. In that context, Jacques Delors, speaking in Lille before the seminar of Comece (the Commission of Bishops' Conferences of the European Union, see our bulletin of 9 March, p.5) addressed a few messages.

A message to the Fifteen. To the authorities and public of Union countries he recalled that the "marriage basket" that the candidate countries are to bring is rich". Let's end with complaints and worries. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe were for centuries victims of treaties and agreements by which Western countries invented borders, cutting into pieces nations that had their identity and history or shared the spoils amongst themselves. Then, their national identity was "massacred" by Stalinism. They are now re-emerging, each with its own characteristics. Each of these countries intends providing its common building stone; for now, the material things they provide, seem of little significance, but it will increase rapidly from year to year. At times we note in these countries a certain tension between regained sovereignty and the prospect of placing part of it in common in th framework of European integration. According to Jacques Delors, in general this is no form of some nationalism, but the need to regain the dignity of their identity. For the EU, these identities are no danger but an enrichment, and will never been endangered by the construction of a united Europe.

A message to candidate countries. The message that Jacques Delors addressed to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe concerns differentiation, a concept that is not popular at home as to them it means a second class Europe, a "second division" to which they would be confined. Differentiation has always existed in our Europe, sometimes taking the form of transition periods, sometimes of "opting out" or other forms. The two most spectacular examples, but not the only ones, concern the Schengen Agreement and the euro. The single currency would not have existed if we had waited for all Member states to agree to launch it. The principle is simple: do not oblige a country to go further than it wants, but that country cannot prevent the others from moving forward. Were we to refuse "organised differentiation", we would have "de facto differentiation", created on the fringe of Community institutions, and "perverse", with "boards", and "Security Council" type mechanisms. In the place of co-operation inserted in Community institutional systems, with the possibility for each to join, we would have opaque forms of differentiation, which are perverse as they involve institutions and prevent the Commission from playing its role of defending the general interest.

Three ambitions for the enlarged Europe. If these two messages have been understood, the enlarged Europe would be able to take the next step. Jacques Delors considers that this should be limited to three, but with all that they comprise:

1. An area of peace and security. This goal is obvious, but that involve fundamental decisions and initiatives: border stability, a vigorous management of the EU's external borders moved eastwards, the protection of minorities with clear and definitive statuses, specific effort in the Balkans, a co-ordinated fight against organised crime.

2. A framework for sustainable development. This goal too seem obvious, but one has to consider what it means. According to Jacques Delors, it presupposes that the triptych that lay at the base of the Single Act be safeguarded: the competition that stimulates, co-operation that multiplies potentials and solidarity. If this triptych is not maintained, the EU would become a mere free trade area that would not resist the shocks of reality. If, on the other hand, this triptych is consolidated, the enlarged Union would also represent a "unique laboratory" for successful globalisation.

3. Maintaining national identities. Enlarged Europe will have to "enrich its diversities" by integrating all its history in the Union. "Nothing must be effaced"; the dark pages, the injustices, wars, invasions are part of our common heritage too, not to be forgotten taking on board "the pardon and the promise", by all for all.

Ambitions define institutions. It is from this concept of an enlarged Europe that the way it works institutionally has to be defined, and not the other way round. It would be fallacious, according to Delors, to want to define institutional reform before having defined common ambitions and objectives. That is why he did not go into the details of this reform, simply recalling some principles and demolishing some common ideas. Thus:

- The current system is too complicated and incomprehensible for "the citizen of good will". It needs simplifying and a clear and simple "political agenda" of actions to undertake needs introducing.

- a increase in he number of Member states is doubtless a challenge to take up, but the situation has not to be dramatised. It is mainly a question of organising the work. We have to "open up the bonnet and see what is not working in the engine" regarding the decision-taking procedure, the functioning of the presidency, etc..

- the Community method must absolutely be safeguarded. It has proven itself and its rigorous implementation has always coincided with Europe's breakthroughs . The more the Member states are numerous, the more this method is essential, with one institution, the European Commission, which is "is there every day", and has as task to defend the European interest, thus everyone's interest. It is, however, according to Jacques Delors, possible to provide in certain sectors, like the common foreign policy (CFSP) and defence policy (ESDP) for the right of initiative to be shared between the Commission and the Council;

- subsidiarity is a "philosophical principle" that cannot be contained in a legal framework (with rigorous lists of respective powers), but has to represent a "state of mind": all must act in fields that come to them naturally, there where they are the most effective. Sure, this means a revision of the current typology of the European texts, leaving the appropriate room for framework-laws the implementation of which is left up to Member states according to national characteristics and demands;

- democratic deficit possibly exists for certain aspects, but - said Jacques Delors - "I'm scandalised by the way this subject is sometimes dealt with, as if the institutions of our Member states were not democratic". Our governments are elected, heads of government speak legitimately on behalf of their people. Sure, the relationship between sovereignty and subsidiarity is not simple, and citizenship is normally attached to the Nation. Not everything can be resolved by institutional reform, but progress is possible towards a "basic" democracy and a better functioning of the institutions.

Four indispensable qualities. What is at stake for Europe is survival or decline. It needs both power and generosity. It has not to give lessons nor impose anything on others but "be exemplary". According to Jacques Delors, there are four essential qualities for have Europe progress: vision, heart, skill and a certain pragmatism.

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