To stem migration flows, the Tunisian Foreign Minister, Khemaies Jhinaoui, calls upon the Europeans to act also on the social and political causes that are pushing people to immigrate to the European Union, in an exclusive interview with EUROPE, in Brussels on Monday 5 February.
There is also a need, he added, to support democratic transition countries which, like Tunisia, want to line up economically with the European economy. Jhinaoui went on to criticise the current process which may put his country on the European list of third countries showing deficiencies in the fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism. (Interview by Mathieu Bion)
Agence Europe - the current Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU has laid clear emphasis on the Western Balkans. Is there a fear that the Mediterranean question will drop to second place on the list of European priorities?
Khemaies Jhinaoui - Tunisia is the first Mediterranean country to have signed a partnership agreement with the European Union. I met my Bulgarian counterpart in Davos and will probably also go to Sofia. I do not feel that the fact Bulgaria holds the six-month Presidency of the Council at the moment will affect the EU’s relationship with Tunisia.
Is the EU’s approach to the migration challenge the right one?
There is a massive influx, even though it is currently reducing. The influx comes mainly through Libya, which has no central government capable of controlling the borders.
There is, for instance, Tunisian-Italian cooperation to assist all those venturing to cross the Mediterranean.
We have always told our European friends that stemming immigration is not about building ramparts, it is not about creating gulfs between the South and the North.
It is about moving towards the causes of migration. These courses are twofold: principally social - those wishing to immigrate are looking for a better future (…) - and, obviously, political - populations fleeing countries with no political stability.
If Europe wishes to stop immigration, it needs to tackle the roots of its development and, therefore, accompany these countries to develop job and wealth creation opportunities, and help the politically fragile countries to consolidate.
Immigration is a human phenomenon. If you look at the history of humanity, America is based on immigration. Australia is a country of immigration. It is nothing new. We should not have this phobia of otherness, we must work together to find answers to these questions of our times.
Concerning security and the fight against terrorism, what sort of cooperation have you set in place with the EU?
Tunisia has made considerable efforts to ensure that it has appropriate resources to tackle this new phenomenon.
We are working with our European partners, Algeria and Middle Eastern countries where there are hotbeds of tension, to identify sources of threat. Once these Tunisians have been identified, the competent services of the countries work together to prevent these Tunisians from returning to us or going elsewhere to commit crimes or terrorist acts.
Where do the negotiations stand on a visa facilitation agreement with the EU (see EUROPE 11917)?
Tunisia is no longer a source country of mass migration to Europe. It is a country which properly controls its borders, which receives far more Tunisians wishing to return to Tunisia than it is currently sending migrants to Europe.
The question of immigration has always been a bilateral matter. We have entered into agreements with several countries - France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium and Germany - which have set accompanying measures in place for all individuals wishing to return to Tunisia.
The dossier is becoming pan-European. We are currently discussing an agreement on the facilitation of visas. Our idea is to give Tunisians wishing to go to Europe more opportunities. 30 years ago, Tunisians were not covered by the visa procedure. No need for a return ticket!
It is entirely to be expected that Tunisia, a democratic country that wishes to take its example from the European democratic space, both politically and economically, is treated differently to allow these young people, duly identified and in full respect of the rules, to study and to be useful to the European economy.
There have been two rounds of negotiations, most recently in January. Our European friends have made a few proposals to facilitate the granting of visas to certain professional categories.
We have submitted our approach. By professional categories, I think of entrepreneurs, students, service providers, but not just those. We will seek wording acceptable to both sides, but at the moment, we are at the start of these negotiations.
How quickly are negotiations for a trade liberalisation agreement with the EU making progress?
Tunisia has appointed a negotiator-in-chief, who has been to Brussels twice. Two rounds are scheduled, in April and in November. In the meantime, there will be technical negotiations on very specific sectors.
Tunisia has made it quite clear that it hopes to align its economy on the European Economic Area. This implies liberty at the level of trade, but also, on the European side, a commitment to face any competition from European companies.
We have been in a free-trade zone for industrial products, which come in without customs duty, since 2008. We are currently discussing services, the agricultural sector and how this can be linked to the question of mobility.
Obviously, it is a matter on which there is no global consensus in Tunisia. Questions have been raised by the industrial sector and the public about the impact of a free-trade agreement on the Tunisian economy.
As a government of national unity, we feel that this impact can only be positive and we encourage the various Tunisian partners to improve their competitiveness and carry out the reforms necessary. But this will require awareness on the part of the Europeans, to support the Tunisian economy to allow it to face European competition.
Furthermore, Tunisia is benefiting from a second round of EU macro-financial aid in the form of loans (see EUROPE 11879)...
Given the real needs and the support it has already provided to other countries, I think that Europe can do better.
How?
It could do better by determining the importance of the success of the Tunisian model more. The success of this model goes beyond Tunisia. If we succeed, this will obviously have a direct political, economic and security impact on Europe. It will have an impact throughout the region. There is a cost.
Tunisia is determined that its experiment will succeed. It can do it alone, but it will take a lot of time. If it has the support of its European friends, it will take less time.
And so, Europe can do this by facilitating greater mobility for young Tunisians, encouraging European businesses to invest more in Tunisia, providing normative support rather than just financial, to push reforms through.
Would you like to see the additional quotas (56,700 tonnes in 2016 and 2017) of olive oil in 2018 (see EUROPE 11509)?
We have requested an additional quota.
Olive oil is one of Tunisia’s most important products. There is substantial European demand to import Tunisian oil in 2018. European production is very limited this year, but ours was good. And this does not really represent competition for either Italian or Spanish olive oil, as these 56,700 tonnes represent just 1.7% of the European market’s needs.
Why was Tunisia added to and then removed from the list of non-cooperative third countries (see EUROPE 11945)? And why does it risk being included on the list of third countries showing deficiencies in the fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism (see EUROPE 11950)?
As regards the first list, we were told that the letter from the Tunisian finance minister did not arrive in time. That was the explanation we were given, we have had no other! But the damage is done, Tunisia’s image is tarnished.
Concerning the second list, which is the subject of a debate at the European Parliament, it is not a Euro-Tunisian question, it is a question which Tunisia is negotiating with the OECD’s Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Tunisia has already had three rounds of talks with this group.
The FATF says two things: Tunisia is politically engaged to continue reforms to respond to the conditions laid down by the FATF. Secondly, it has made substantial progress and is currently carrying out all the reforms it has promised to make.
We will see the FATF again in Paris on 23 February to show that Tunisia is continuing to move forward in the reforms. Tunisia has carried out 26 out of 40 reforms, there are still four major reforms to establish. These are questions of procedures, reinforcing the capacities of the financial intelligence cells, to which Tunisia is responding point by point.
Tunisia has therefore been caught in a whirlwind that was not its own. We have never been advised of these matters in the framework of our regular dialogue.
And so we told the member states: ‘if you want to help Tunisia, which is a partner in the fight against terrorism, it is contradictory to put it in the category of countries which have deficiencies in the fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism’.
For internal procedures for which Tunisia is not responsible, the Commission is absolutely determined to make this text a European law. However, Europe does not have its own assessment mechanism.
With 80% of our trade taking place with Europe, transposing this text into European law will be harmful to our economy. It would not prevent investments, but would slow down transactions, as operators would have to be more vigilant about the origin of transactions.
We therefore hope to get Tunisia off the FATF’s list as soon as possible; we also hope that the Europeans will realise that the measure is unfair.
Moreover, we hope that the Commission, which is aware of the potential negative impact, will pledge to publish a text stating that Tunisia has made considerable progress in reforms in these areas and that Europe plans to take our country off this list as soon as possible, and by the end of spring. (Original version in French)