Brussels, 08/10/2010 (Agence Europe) - Preparation for the “Peace Summit” of 21 November in Barcelona, which was proposed by France and supported by Spain, saw its practical beginning on Thursday 7 October, with the adoption of a double text: a European position document summarising all of the commitments of the 27 member states and the European institutions to dialogue with the Mediterranean, and a draft declaration to be put forward for the approval of the November summit. In the meantime, the terms of this declaration are to be negotiated with the countries of the southern shore, particularly the Mediterranean Arab countries. Work on this started in Brussels on Friday 8 October (meeting of the senior officials) with an initial table round between the delegations of both shores, which was not expected, at the time of going to press, to lead to anything conclusive, given the highly uncertain context affecting the Israeli-Palestinian talks under the aegis of the Americans, who have been extremely active and present in the region.
The Europeans are also trying to get things on track, but appear to be doing so using a disconnected approach between the specific efforts of Catherine Ashton and the initiatives of two member states in particular. France has sent out invitations for an initial limited summit in Paris on 21 October, to be attended by Netanyahu and Abbas, and probably also President Moubarak. In addition, France and Spain are sending their foreign ministers this weekend to try to talk the Palestinians out of leaving the negotiation table and to seek an extension, even a short one (two months has been mentioned), on the moratorium on colonisation, which expired on 26 September. If it is not renewed, this would send out a signal to the Palestinians that any negotiation is futile and Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, is even threatening to step away from negotiations in which the Palestinian governing bodies (the OLP and all of its federated factions, of which Hamas, openly hostile to any contact with the Hebrew state, is no longer a part) no longer have any faith. Another option being bandied around increasingly is that of a Palestinian renunciation of a two-state solution, followed by a revival of its older calls for a single democratic and secular state. Basically, this would mean returning to a status of “occupied nation” with the international obligations (security, humanitarian, health, food, education, etc) this leads to for the “occupier”.
In this context, the problems faced by Benjamin Netanyahu in his own country from the extreme right, led by the prime minister's direct rival, Avigdor Lieberman, must also be taken into account. Since the UN debate, the foreign minister has continually fanned the flames to make life even harder for his head of government. The minister, whom nobody wishes to meet (not even Catherine Ashton, for instance during her recent mission to Israel one week ago, or the member countries of the UfM as a whole, as one of the restrictions brought about by preparations for November's summit is that Lieberman is not to be invited) has been stirring things up considerably. Not only has he reiterated his opposition to renewing the moratorium, but he has caused a major impassioned debate in Israel by calling for an obligatory vow of allegiance to the “Jewish state” (based on religion, rather than ethnicity or nationality) to be taken by every citizen of the country, whether Jewish, Muslim, Christian or Druze.
Other than in general terms, the declaration of the Council pays little attention to the political plank of Euro-Mediterranean relations, which are increasingly being moved over to the Middle Eastern dossier. The aim for the UfM to “create a prosperous and sustainable Euro-Mediterranean region, further supporting socio-economic development, promoting innovation and creativity, fully embracing the principles of rule of law and democracy, sharing common values” is, however, reaffirmed. And this framework of dialogue between the two shores must be “reinforced” with a precision of the details to settle an old debate on the nature of the UfM (a separate construct of concern only to its own member states, or in direct association with the European Community institutions). The secretary general, who has been called upon to play a “leading role”, will be officially placed under the authority of the Committee of Senior Officials, the coordination of which has so far been a matter of the direct responsibility of the structures of the Council, until the finishing touches have been put to the birth of European joint diplomacy.
Who will take over from France as co-president of the UfM? Spain has once again expressed an interest and the foreign affairs minister, Miguel Moratinos (EUROPE 10227), has even put himself into the frame, stating that Ashton (the “natural” person for this co-presidency post, going strictly by the Lisbon Treaty) has agreed to delegate this job to him. This has caused consternation in Brussels. “The issue cannot be decided upon without the agreement of the 27”, replied a Community diplomat. When asked by EUROPE about the issue, Ashton's services declined to confirm or deny. (F.B./transl.fl)