*** The Federalist. A Political Review. Edif Onlus (5 via A. Volta, I-27100 Pavia. Internet: http://www.euraction.org ). 2006, No. 3, 60 pp. Annual subscription: €35 (Europe), €50 (elsewhere).
Published by the Luciano Bolis European Foundation and the Mario e Valeria Albertini Foundation, this publication close to the 'Movimento Federalista Europeo', itself close to Altiero Spinelli's heart, has been able to resist the gradual disappearance of the federalist current of political thought from the corridors of power in Europe since 1959, keeping alive a tradition of activist thought which is both opinionated and rich, although a minority strand. Now that EU member states are trying to agree (?) on how to get the European integration process out of the constitutional deadlock, federalists are raising their heads again and are even gaining confidence. They explain at the start of the editorial that 'contrary to what is far too often affirmed, the crisis gripping the European Union is not due to the French or Dutch electorate's rejection of the constitutional treaty, but rather to the lack of projects capable of leading the process of unification in the direction of the federal outcome envisaged by Europe's founding fathers.' They explain that the crisis was due to the fact that the constitution was 'an attempt to adapt the rules of cooperation to the increasingly heterogeneous setting of the enlarged European Union' without touching on the sacrosanct principle of ultimate and absolute national sovereignty. They reply to the question of how to respond to the crisis that because wisdom and a philosophy of small steps forward have led to a dead end: 'Today, the European federal state is the only objective that can get the process of unification started again.'
But how? This is where this issue of The Federalist is particularly useful. It reports back on an international seminar organised with Pavia University in Italy on how to build a European Federal State in an Enlarged European Union. All the contributions were connected with the fact that the twenty-seven member states' divergent (to say the least) opinions will never allow the EU to turn into a federation and therefore the only realistic way that this could be achieved would be to create a hard federal core of countries which are already prepared to transfer some of their national sovereignty to the European institutions. Other countries could join them at a later date when they saw fit - or never, if that suited them better.
The idea is nothing new but against the backdrop of the continuing constitutional crisis, nobody would challenge the fact that it is now part of the spirit of the times or at least an idea being mulled over by more people, despite themselves at times. Hence the utility of reading the ideas of Christophe Chabrot. He believes the French said 'no' because they were being lied to about the pseudo-constitutional nature of a failing treaty. He systematically explores ways of reaching a federal set-up. In the framework of the European Union, he argues that building a political Europe on the foundations of strengthened cooperation is dangerous because alliances among EU member states could weaken the European Community and affect EU law and could even mushroom unharmoniously like the alliances that predominated in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The formation of a 'hard core' through non-EU treaties (the WEU, Schengen, etc) is no more promising in his view, any more than the idea (which he finds plausible) of seeing a 'European Confederation outside the EU' being set up, because this would very soon enter into competition with the EU. Professor of public law at 'Université Lumière' in Lyons (France), Christophe Chabrot believes that only the emergence of a federal Europe will allow genuine political integration which unites more than it divides. From the democratic point of view, this would require 'a restoration of trust between the citizens and the national and European authorities', involving the introduction at EU level (or at least by the countries prepared to make the move) of a constituent assembly with the job of reaching 'a political pact, not a collection of economic dogmas that even more laissez-faire states, like the USA, do not apply and that certainly do not inspire the citizen' Such a political pact would be signed due to the future desire of citizens, who should be the only sovereign parties, rather than on the basis of any type of economic development criteria. As far as Christophe Chabrot is concerned, this would mean that some countries in the EU today would say 'yes' while others said 'no'. Irrespective of the results, this would mean that citizens would have re-appropriated Europe. Against the current backdrop, surely this is the crucial aim to be worked towards? Food for thought…
Michel Theys
*** STEPHAN KEUKELEIRE: EU Core Groups. Specialisation and Division of Labour in EU Foreign Policy. Centre for European Policy Studies (Ceps, 1 place du Congrès, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2293911 - Fax: 2194151 - E-mail: info@ceps.be - Internet: http: //http://www.ceps.be ). "CEPS Working Document", No. 252. 2006, 19 pp. ISBN 92-9079-671-5.
The constitutional deadlock and, more importantly, the differences of opinion on how the European project should continue, are leading an increasing number of analysts to study 'strengthened cooperation' and even the idea of a 'hard core' of member states. In this compact but detailed study, Stephan Keukeleire (Jean Monnet Professor at the 'Université catholique de Leuven' in Belgium and visiting professor at the College of Europe) shows that the EU could significantly benefit in terms of legitimacy, visibility and efficiency from a mechanism allowing closer cooperation among some member states on aspects of foreign policy. In the author's opinion, specialisation and division of labour in the EU's foreign policy is not only reconcilable with the notion of a 'common foreign policy' but could even boost the status of the EU as a whole as a player on the world stage and be a vital component for the EU's future development, as long as a number of criteria outlined in the book are met.
(MT)
*** PIERRE LEQUILLER: Comment sortir de l'impasse un traité institutionnel pour l'Europe. Fondation Robert Schuman (29 bld Raspail, F- 75007 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 53638300 - Fax: 53638301 - E-mail: info@robert-schuman.eu - Internet: http://www.robert-schuman.eu ). "Notes de la Fondation Robert Schuman", "Contribution au débat européen" series. 2007, 149 pp, €10.
This book is part of a new series of contributions to the European debate published by the Robert Schuman Foundation, which has been in operation for fifteen years now. Despite the current problems faced in the European project, the debate is fortunately alive and kicking among ordinary Europeans, explains the President of the Robert Schuman Foundation, Jean-Dominique Giuliani. The author of the book is the President of the French national assembly's delegation for the European Union. He is at pains to demonstrate how Europe can be provided with the wherewithal to take action via 'urgent' reforms to meet the real need for a political European Union. In areas where the EU is active, the system works well and Europe is effective and listened to, explains Pierre Lequiller, urging readers to take inspiration from this even if it means that progress is made by avant-garde groups which are then gradually joined by the other member states. In his view, the Convention should be built upon first in order to come up with a new institutional treaty sticking as closely as possible to the original version (the author makes some very detailed suggestions in this connection) with simpler revision methods. He explains that it is also important to launch democratic debate over the European Union's policies. The debate could take place this summer, he feels, at the same time as starting discussions over the Financial Perspectives (the EU's budget). The option of organising a convention to look at the EU's policies in 2007 or 2008 would, he argues, run the risk of slowing the process down. The author wants the ratification of the treaty setting out the EU's policies to be completed by the end of 2010. The suggestions are accompanied by annexes, the text of the draft institutional treaty (including the parts added and scrapped) and a selection of arguments by politicians. (LG)
*** DICK LEONARD: Guide to the European Union. The definitive guide to all aspects of the EU. The Economist and Profile Books (3A Exmouth House, Pine Street, Exmouth Market, London EC1R 0JH. Tel: (44-20) 78416300 - Fax: 78333969 - E-mail: info@profilebooks.com - Internet: http://www.profilebooks.com ). "Economist Books" series. 2005, 342 pp, £20. ISBN 1-86197-930-4.
In this newly revised edition (with the cooperation of Leo Cendrowicz) of a guide published for the first time in l988, Dick Leonard continues his work of providing useful educational material about various aspects of the European Union. He aims to be user-friendly with full, clear, summaries and explanations. The new edition, like the previous ones, is a fine piece of work. From the very start, a chapter on the origins of the European integration process, the author kicks off by commenting that Adolf Hitler was the catalyst for the European Community because, like Charlemagne and Napoleon before him, he'brought together, by the sword, virtually the entire land area of the original EEC, destroying in the process the self-confidence of the nation states from which it sprang.' In this part of the book, Dick Leonard describes and comments upon the treaties which form the basis of the EU, starting with the 'bible', the Treaty of Rome. The other parts of the book review the institutions (giving detailed information about the bureaucracy with facts, figures and costs), powers and special issues like enlargement, the United Kingdom's view of the EU, and the future
The history of relations with the United Kingdom is a 'history of mistrust' explains Dick Leonard, regretting his country's attitude which stopped it having the 'predominant influence' it would otherwise have had if it had 'taken the lead in the movement for closer integration.' Describing the attitude to Europe of the various British governments and the domestic controversies that parties have been wrapped up in, whether in power or in opposition, Leonard as a European compliments nobody, whether Labour, Margaret Thatcher, John Major or Tony Blair. On 'the most pro-European prime minister since Edward Heath?', the author explains that Tony Blair's balance sheet does not prove this. The author notes that his 'grudging and minimalist' attitude often damaged British interests and even the ministers in the Blair government 'do not seem to have learned the lesson, and the days of the UK as an awkward 'odd man out' are, unfortunately, not yet quite past.' Dick Leonard, writing in 2005, concludes by commenting on the future, foreseeing a meeting in Rome on 25 March 2007 to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome. He lists the great success stories in the Europe that is today so different from how it was at the beginning, but also describes problems, being clear-sighted when he writes that it is 'almost certain that the (constitutional) treaty will not come into force on November 1 2005, as intended,' He imagined a 'pause for reflexion' and a potential 'realistic imitative' after the German, Italian and French elections (most likely with a new British prime minister), which 'could take the form of a modified and, possibly, less ambitious version of the present treaty, or a new convention, or even an elected constituent assembly, tasked with preparing a new draft.' Whatever happens, Leonard is optimistic about the future of the European Union. Despite slippages, the principles on which the EU is based are 'sound' and 'attuned to the circumstances of the 21st century' so it can pick itself up and show what it's capable of.
(LG)
*** STEPHAAN DE RYNCK: Changing Public Policy: The Role of the Regions. Education and Environmental Policy in Belgium. P.I.E.-Peter Lang (1 av. Maurice, B-1050 Brussels. e-mail: info@peterlang.com - Internet: http://www.peterlang.com ). 2002, 230 pp, €30-30. ISBN 90-5201-953-3.
Belgium is fertile ground for studying regionalism and regional policies. Stephaan De Rynck is clear about this and has carried out research in order to gain greater understanding of the dynamic of change in policy brought about through regionalism and how this impacts on the institutional structure, looking at how the Flemish and Walloon political milieus reacted to the new opportunities provided by the dividing up of Belgium into political regions. The author selects education and the environment as case studies. The book is based on a prize-winning thesis submitted to the fifth thesis competition organised by the Committee of the Regions, but the author explains that 'an important driving force was the anticipation by some actors of how their power position would be maintained, or how it could be established, in new regional policies'. (FRo)
*** JULIA L. ORTIZ-GRIFFIN, WILLIAM D. GRIFFIN: Spain & Portugal Today. Peter Lang (275 Seventh Avenue, 28th Floor, New York, NY 10001, USA. Internet: http://www.peterlangusa.com ). "Studies in Modern European History" series, No. 32. 2003, 242 pp. ISBN 0-8204-4031-0.
People born in the early 1980s are unlikely to know that Spain and Portugal were both governed by highly conservative dictatorships until only a few years before that generation's birth. But awareness of history grows when one reads, for example, that Spanish women had to wait until 1978 before they were finally allowed to vote and were given other rights that other European women had enjoyed for many a long year. This husband and wife team have written a book combining history, politics, sociology and economics to guide readers through a century of events and transformations, gradually building up a picture of modern Spain and Portugal. This pleasantly written book is both instructive in terms of political changes in the two countries and in terms of how the political changes impacted on living standards. It combines a wealth of information with a real but at times critical interest in Spain and Portugal and their citizens. There are chapters on the transition to democracy, rebuilding the economy, art and popular culture (slightly more detailed for Spain than for Portugal). There is also a chronology and pretty detailed index.
(FRo)