Brussels, 01/12/2006 (Agence Europe) - On Monday 4 December, the European Union will publish its communication on “Strengthening the European Neighbourhood Policy” both to respond to the calls for clarification emanating from various sources (partner countries, MEPs, Member States) and ahead of the German Presidency of the EU which is expected to engage in sustained activity towards Eastern European non-candidate countries (Ukraine, Moldova etc.) and the countries of the Mediterranean rim. Such a desire would appear to have been confirmed to various countries concerned during a recent visit to the Mediterranean region by German foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier.
The Commission communication will provide a review of the first 18 months of implementation of this approach. It is not yet clear whether, as far as the Mediterranean countries are concerned, it is meant to complement or to replace the Barcelona Process. The text does not respond directly to the question. It restricts itself to underlining that the European neighbourhood Policy (ENP) provided a solid foundation for enhanced relations between the Union and its neighbours, a single political framework, ENP action plans with eleven partners and concrete mutual commitments. It will all be supported by a new financial instrument, which will considerably improve the quality of EU assistance and will provide additional funds to support partners' reforms.
The EU's vital interest in this cooperation would appear to be that its neighbours develop on the commercial level, while demonstrating greater stability and better governance. The responsibility for this is incumbent upon them, the EU's role being to encourage and support them in their reform. This way of working is reminiscent of the process leading to the new accessions, but the Commission says that it makes a clear distinction between this and the enlargement process.
On the other hand, the Commission is ready to encourage networking in essential areas, such as energy and transport. It suggests the possible addition of new multilateral energy and transport agreements and the reinforcement of existing agreements. It also proposes action to extend European transport and energy networks to ENP countries, and also interoperability and the involvement of neighbouring countries in some Community programmes and agencies. The Commission also confirms the need not to ignore countries where developments could have repercussions for the EU, particularly in terms of illegal immigration, the lack of reliability of supply sources, damage to the environment and terrorism.
The Commission does not deal with the issue of the usefulness and possible double use of the ENP compared with the Barcelona Process and existing bilateral agreements, but restricts itself to weighing up the strengths and the weaknesses of the ENP. Among the strengths, it mentions its ability to have the acquis communautaire integrated in “neighbouring” countries, especially with regard to the internal market. But this goes beyond the economic because options and choices have been negotiated and mutually adopted at the political level in other areas. The Commission stresses this point and highlights that nothing is imposed on anyone and gives assurances that the individual action plans have proved themselves very useful in giving substance to joint efforts. To this can be added, says the Commission, better use of funds determined by the policy. This is a condition which the Commission acknowledges irritates a number of its partners, jealous of their sovereignty. In the background, the ENP will have greatly facilitated reform policies, by taking on beforehand a large part of the political and economic costs, says the Commission.
Its weaknesses are that the promise of commercial and economic integration (as, for example, support for Ukraine's accession to the WTO or granting autonomous trade preferences to Moldova) and the opening of negotiations to extend free trade agreements with Mediterranean partners should be listed in a “clear perspective”. But its biggest weakness focuses on personal freedom, for example the time it takes and the cost of obtaining a short term visa, which act as deterrents to partner countries. Such restrictions have changed the image of the EU, to one of a fortress. Another great weakness in the ENP is its inability to make a significant contribution to the resolution of regional conflicts.
Among the improvements put forward, the Commission recommends “increasing economic integration and believes that the ENP has to be given a key role in the success and credibility of the policy. There has to be more than the free trade in goods and services and “internal” matters have to be included. A new generation of deeper and complete free trade agreements is currently being negotiated with Ukraine. Free trade agreements with Mediterranean partners are expected to be extended to areas nor covered.
One of the cornerstones of the Commission's approach, a mix of bilateral and multilateral combined with the concept of differentiation, deals with immigration. Wide opening on this point is expected: existing policies and practices on visas often create real difficulties for travel for legitimate purposes. Long queues outside EU consulates clearly show that there are barriers to EU entry. So, the idea would be for a “joint control framework” and a commitment from countries to include a “readmission” obligation in their agreements. Discussions with Morocco and Moldova are well on the way. This opening will be accompanied by an increase in exchange programmes, (between students, professionals, researchers, entrepreneurs, representatives from various levels within government and civil society, etc.).
On political dialogue and more particularly the conflicts in some ENP countries, the ENP will never replace regional or multilateral efforts to resolve these problems, stresses the Commission, believing, however, that the EU should nevertheless be ready to play a more active role (at the political level and/or through limited involvement in civilian or military observation or peace keeping operations). It also suggests inviting neighbouring countries to countersign external policy statements, as was the case with candidate countries, to hold regular informal high level meetings from 2007 onwards, to increase parliamentary cooperation, and to strengthen the diplomatic presence in neighbouring countries.
While the Commission communication is vague on the future of the Barcelona Process, it clearly states its desire to support more directly sub-regional organisations (to create a “Black Sea synergy” through the Black Sea Economic Cooperation organisation. In the Mediterranean, with the EuroMed approach as a backdrop, action will be based on country action plans, without shutting off the surrounding Arab world. The Commission says that synergies have to be sought with other economic sectors, for example with Gulf Cooperation Council, where resources and inc-vestment can be jointly mobilised for that purpose. (fb)