Energy is expected to be the focus of discussion at next week's European Summit, given that the debate on the future of Europe and on reactivation of the constitutional treaty hold few surprises. On the latter, the general guidelines defined by foreign ministers (see this column in our bulletin No.9202) will no doubt be taken on board, and differences between the Heads of Government (which, as we see each day, are considerable) will not be mentioned in the “conclusions” but at the most in the final press conferences, each person addressing the journalists of his or her country.
And then we have the matter of energy. No spectacular progress is to be expected, but the very fact that common guidelines are being defined with a view to the G8 and the opening of talks with Russia on the new overall cooperation deal would have been considered a miracle just a few months ago, when Member States seemed far from any true cooperation with each resolved to stick to its own national policy, and where, in some cases, serious differences (sometimes openly stated as between Poland and Germany) caused division. Of course, the paper drawn up in common by the European Commission and Javier Solana is not of a revolutionary kind. Most of the principles and guidelines set out therein could have been drafted n advance by a number of correctly informed research departments. But one must read between the lines to understand what is being intimated. The paper was summarised last week in our bulletin No.9202 and it will soon be given in full as an annex (our EUROPE/Documents series). Several aspects of the paper relate to:
1. The realm of what is possible. The Commission and Javier Solana remained wisely in the realm of what is possible. Going beyond this at such an early stage would be easy but demagogic. Calling for a real common energy policy to be set up immediately would be the surest way of not doing anything at all. A common policy cannot be defined in just one week (especially as, for now, it has even lost the legal base set out in the draft constitutional treaty), although endorsement in principle of the suggested guidelines is expected for next week. Furthermore, the fact that the Summit had, as one body, entrusted the Commission and the Secretary General/High Representative with the task of establishing the paper is in itself indicative. The paper does not suggest any transfer of power or authority from the Union's Member States regarding energy matters. The legitimate right of the different Member States to conduct their own external relations to ensure secure energy supplies and to define their national energy mix (for example, whether or not they are in favour of promoting nuclear energy) is set out explicitly. What is proposed, as a first step along a long and gradual road, is better coordination of national policies according to common principles. For example, at the current stage any tendency to propose a common attitude on the nuclear option or to limit Member States' freedom of action would be tantamount to failure. Principles, guidelines and initiatives likely to be taken immediately must first of all be taken, before deciding who does what. No squabbling over competence, please.
2. Implications of internal energy policy. The paper refers to external relations but establishes a direct link with the EU's internal energy policy, noting that a fleshed out internal policy is a prior condition for defining external interests and for better judging how the Union may use its external relations for promoting such interests. The Commission will be presenting an action plan covering both aspects next spring.
3. A political weapon. The political nature of the energy issue and negotiations concerning the Union's supply of energy is plainly set out in the paper. This appears obvious today as everyone has now seen how Vladimir Putin used energy as a political weapon. But it was not so clear some time back when voices were raised suggesting autonomy of companies in this field.
These few principles clearly set out in the paper are completed by operational guidelines concerning: the aims of bilateral or regional talks to open without delay with supplier countries, the Energy Charter, the pipeline and gas pipeline network to be completed, and so on. To this must be added the references made to future developments which, for the time being, are simply implied. In the next few days, I shall be taking stock of all these points.
(F.R.)