*** REGIS CHEMAIN, ALAIN PELLET (Eds.): La Charte des Nations Unies, constitution mondiale ? Editions Pedone (13 rue Soufflot, F-75005 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 43540597 - Fax: 46340760 - e-mail: editions-pedone@wanadoo.fr). "Cahiers internationaux" series, No. 20. 2006, 237 pp, €24. ISBN 2-233-00486-8.
A faithful continuation of ideas expressed at an international conference organised by the 'Centre de Droit international de l'Université Paris X-Nanterre' in France, this entire book looks (in the run-up to the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the foundation of the United Nations) at whether the San Francisco Charter has turned into a 'global constitution' for humanity. We should admit from the outset that leading experts' answers to this question are far from unanimous. The tone is set from the outset by the former UN Secretary General Javier Pérez de Cuellar, who writes that he painfully has to note that in the form it has taken at the moment, the San Francisco Charter could not be a global constitution. Why not? Prof. Sorel argues that the Charter of the United Nations reflects consensus in a politically homogenous world at a specific moment in time. He explains that the Charter's preamble is very vague but the war that was drawing to a close in 1945 made peace-keeping and banning the use of force a firmer demand. But this homogeneity has disappeared. To explain this in more political terms, Javier Pérez de Cuellar points out that the concept of democracy is not included in the Charter's preamble - perhaps it was left out so as not to embarrass Stalin, an autocrat. All the same, notes the former UN Secretary General, it is still lacking and it is high time that the international community addressed the problem of the legitimacy of Member States' governments in order to win respectability and credibility among public opinion, which the United Nations so desperately requires. But as Olivier Audeoud, President of the 'Université Paris X-Nanterre' points out, the machine has survived in the face of many problems and criticisms, and the Charter remains, despite everything, as a common law for the whole planet, as French foreign minister Philippe Douste-Blazy explains.
The 'constitutional metaphor' is clearly gaining ground among European internationalists. Why? According to Prof. Pierre-Marie Dupuy, the reason is rooted in modern politics rather than technical legal details. At a time when some countries, starting with the most powerful one, are deliberately undermining the authority of the United Nations and casting doubt on its effectiveness or even its raison d'etre and legitimacy, saying that the Charter that established the United Nations is a type of Universal Constitution has the value of formally reminding us that the principles on which the Charter was based are inalienable, and unilateralism is fundamentally incompatible with the general duty of cooperation it sets out. This makes it the Law of Laws, he adds. Dupuy, a lecturer at the European University Institute in Florence and Paris II University, concludes that one may, of course, consider reforming the United Nations, but one may not consider replacing it because whatever its imperfections, it remains the only legitimate body capable of deciding on collective action to keep or re-instate peace. One way of reminding people of this, he explains, is to stress the constitutional dimension of the Charter. In fact, whether one likes it or not, surely this applies just as much to the European Treaties, which are still waiting for official 'constitutionalisation'?
Michel Theys
*** IVO DAALDER, NICOLE GNESOTTO, PHILIP GORDON (Eds.): Crescent of Crisis. U.S. -European Strategy for the Greater Middle East. The Brookings Institution (1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. Internet: http://www.brookings.edu ). 2006, 263 pp. ISBN 0-8157-1689-3.
In ancient times and the Biblical epoch, the boundaries of the 'fertile crescent' were the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. These days, the name 'crescent of crisis' seems more appropriate (the name given in this book to the greater Middle East, namely the region covering Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan). The region has huge strategic importance, particularly for energy, and is the focus of many inter-meshing and mutually aggravating challenges like undemocratic governments, border conflict, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. 'And while Americans and Europeans tend to agree that these issues are important, there is little transatlantic agreement on how to approach, let along resolve, any of them', explain the authors. The Brookings Institution and the EU's Security Studies Institute, backed by researchers from other research centres, have all the same managed to reach harmonious agreement and write this book of relevant essays, divided into chapters on major areas of tension, like Iran, Iraq, Israel-Palestine, Lebanon-Syria, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The authors marry their different approaches to bring out the essence and provide readers with a book explaining the causes and background to issues in a detailed and instructive manner, without any unnecessary 'filling'. They also elucidate concrete measures that the US and the EU could take to try to resolve the various issues. For example, the chapter on Iran (much in the news at the moment) clearly explains the country's past and present role in the region (opposing the peace process between Israel and Palestine, an attempted coup d'etat in Bahrain, etc), the reasons why the West believes Iran wants to build nuclear weapons, what the Iranian regime hopes to gain from this, and how the EU and the US could react.
(FRo)
*** MARCIN ZABOROWSLI (Ed.): Friends again? EU-US relations after the crisis. Institute for Security Studies (43 av. du Président Wilson, F-75775 Paris cedex 16. Tel: (33-1) 56891930 - Fax: (33-1) 56891931 - E-mail: institute@iss-eu.org - Internet: http://www.iss-eu.org ). "Transatlantic Books" series. 2006, 239 pp, €10. ISBN 92-9198-084-6.
Relations between the EU and the US are instinctively felt to be hugely important. Feathers have sometimes been ruffled in recent years by a whole series of set-to's between either side of the Atlantic. It is not always easy to fully understand the origins and nature of the rather vague feelings often observed in the EU about the United States, and vice versa. This book of essays in French and English aims to plug the gap. By scratching below the surface of the superficial normality of transatlantic relations, he highlights a whole series of elements whereby the EU-US partnership will never again be the same as in the past, but which do not mean it will actually disappear. Federico Romero argues: "There will be - indeed there are - many instances of transatlantic cooperation, and they will most likely prevail over frictions and conflicts, but we can no longer think in terms of a transatlantic community". The unifying and dividing elements are studied by a team of European and US experts commissioned by the EU's 'Institut d'Etudes de sécurité' (IES, Security Studies Institute), which has carried out a study of the geographical challenges facing both the EU and the US (the Middle East, Russia, and so on), how these are perceived and approached, and the vision each has of its role in the world. The authors look at values put forward by both sides and the way each views the other in essays, for example, on the way 'European anti-Americanism is migrating from the political fringes to the political centre". A very relevant book on one of the big geographical issues of our time, current and future relations between the United States, described as probably less omnipotent than it believes, and the EU, described as definitely having more influence than it thinks.
(FRo)
*** NIKOLAOS ZAHARIADIS: Essence of Political Manipulation. Peter Lang (275 Seventh Avenue, 28th Floor, NY 10001 New York. Internet: http://www.peterlangusa.com ). 2005, 231 pp. ISBN 0-8204-7903-9.
The break-up of the former Yugoslavia has given rise to a series of little states, including the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), but the very presence of the word 'Macedonia' in the name of the new state has been greeted with strident demands in Greece, which does not want to share the cultural heritage that comes with the word 'Macedonia' (the birthplace of Alexander the Great) and fears nationalist demands from the new state. Many Greeks have been affected by the event, including the author, who decided to describe the situation and use this as a basis for studying Greece's foreign policy, which wavers between cooperation and confrontation. He also studies small regional powers in general. He shows that the foreign policy of a small country is not solely determined by external factors but also, to a large extent, by domestic factors. The author decided to pay particular attention to the element of counter-terrorism (terrorism abroad), which has relevance to the United States also: 'the US war on terror… is more the result of harnessing the power of emotions for political gain and other domestic political considerations than the outcome of rational responses to external threats'. Zahariadis explains that one Greek government after another has played the same card for FYROM. The first third of the book is entirely dedicated to establishing the theoretical framework of the author's research.
(FRo)
*** MARIE-THERESE BITSCH, GERARD BOSSUAT (Eds.): L'Europe unie et l'Afrique. De l'idée d'Eurafrique à la Convention de Lomé I. Etablissements Emile Bruylant (67 rue de la Régence, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 5129842 - Fax: 5119477 - Internet: http://www.bruylant.be ). "Groupe de liaison des historiens auprès des Communautés - European Community Liaison Committee of Historians" series, No. 10. 2005, 471 pp, €50. ISBN 2-8027-2128-3.
The proceedings of an international conference in Paris two years ago, this book of twenty-two essays by historians outlines the long history of aid - disinterested and otherwise - and cooperation between Europe (firstly that of sovereign states, followed by the European Community) and Africa in the last century. The first part looks at visions of EurAfrica and cooperation projects from the 1920s to the 1950s. It starts with an inventory of the iconography of EurAfrica, followed by analysis of the visionary proposals of the people who invented the idea of EurAfrica between the two World Wars (headed by the 'high priest' of united Europe, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi). Through Ernest Bevin, the British approach to African problems is also explained, and there are two essays shedding light on the United States' attitude to relations between European countries and Africa. The problems encountered in bilateral cooperation are then discussed in the light of Franco-British negotiations over military cooperation in West Africa and attempts at Franco-Belgian cooperation to build hydro-electric power stations in Central Africa. This part of the book includes an assessment of the role of the European Movement in establishing the association process between united Europe and Africa. The second part of the book looks at association between the EEC and Africa, from the Rome Treaty to the Lomé Accords. The first essay describes the 1956-1957 negotiations that led to the association being incorporated in the Rome Treaty, while other authors look at the views of EU founder nations in this connection. The last four essays explain the role of EU institutions (the European Commission, the Parliamentary Assembly, European Investment Bank and the Economic and Social Committee) in the association process. As Prof. Bitsch explains in the introduction, the diverse nature of the different approaches taken in the book helps to show how the dream of cooperation among Europeans fits with the dream of cooperation with Africa, and how the two dreams met up, crystallised for a while around the notion of EurAfrica and led to a specific association process that is constantly being re-defined.
(MT)
*** Rapport mondial sur le développement humain 2005. La coopération internationale à la croisée des chemins: l'aide, le commerce et la sécurité dans un monde marqué par les inégalités. Economica (49 rue Hericart, F-75015 Paris) for the United Nations Development Fund (1 UN Plaza, New York, 10017, United States. Internet: http: //hdr.undp.org). 2005, 385 pp. ISDN 2-71785114-1.
More than five years after the world's governments signed the Millennium Development Declaration with its ambitious plans to slash poverty and inequality by 2015, this report, bursting with commentary and statistics, looks at progress thus far, and the human cost of failing to meet targets and failing to keep promises. The authors write that inequality among countries and within countries is one of the main obstacles to the development of the human race, and also a powerful brake on speeding up progress in the move to meet the Millennium Development Goals. The report makes a detailed review of recent events, assesses performance in terms of development aid, and makes a critical examination of progress under the Doha Round and fair trade around the world. Based on research on how violent conflict interacts with human development, it also sets out some conflict prevention strategies. The book confirms that some of the world's richest countries are some of the meanest when it comes to aid.
(LD)
***Politica Exterior. Estudios de Politica Exterior SA (49 Núñez de Balboa, E-28001 Madrid. Tel: (34-91) 4312711 - Fax: 4354027 - E-mail: suscriptiones@politicaexterior.com - Internet: http//http://www.politicaexterior.com ). April 2006, No. 110, 208 pp. 13 €. Annual subscription: €93.
This issue looks at the connection between Islam and democracy, Iran, Putin's Russia, Merkel's Germany, EurAsia, energy and changes in Latin America. It includes analysis of attitudes in the White House, the European Union as a global player, Iran's relationship with the Security Council and an assessment of Islamic programmes for Palestine and the surrounding area. Along with a glossary of global political caricatures, the book describes new energy scenarios in EurAsia, the geostrategic significance of Turkey joining the European Union, the political processes at work in Bolivia and Chile, Mubarak's pledges to reform Egypt, and democracy in the Arab World three years on from the last invasion of Iraq. Clear, well-structured, with plenty of maps and explanatory graphics, as always.
(JPe)