Have recent Franco-German meetings attracted as much European attention as deserved? Certainly, in the two countries concerned the press and media in general, have provided extensive coverage. Though, has the European meaning been sufficiently taken into account?
Results and intentions. This was not a Chirac-Schröder summit, but as session of the Franco-German Council of Ministers, new institution created at the beginning of last year which met once previously (to celebrate its creation). This time, the joint ministerial Council held its first true working session, with an agenda and decisions to take. In particular, we know, the joint Council: a) confirmed that in the next intergovernmental conference (IGC) dedicated to the European Constitution, the French and German position would be favourable towards the approval of Giscard d'Estaing's draft (stemming from the Convention), with few changes and without reopening the overall debate; b) approved the recovery plan for European growth, handed to the Community authorities in view of the next European Commission and Ecofin Council session. We must underline that over these two points Tony Blair virtually rallied in support of the Franco-German positions.
After last January's decision in principal concerning the creation of the joint ministerial Council, the creation of the body posed many problems (this is why the first operational session, intended for June was only held in September). It is now accepted that each 'ministerial tandem,' will establish a road map for its sector, with an 'obligation for results,' be it with regards to the interconnection of transport infrastructures or the mutual recognition of university degrees.
In addition to the permanent coordination of positions over dossiers for the European building process, the French Minister for European Affairs, Mrs Noëlle Lenoir, announced a few other projects already being prepared or considered, such as: a) the creation of 'eurodistricts,' that is to say cross-border districts (the first will be that between Strasbourg and Köln) provided with not only consultative, but also deliberative assemblies; b) a common history textbook that will be used in school classes for students between 12 and 14 years of age; c) the follow-up to the idea of shared embassies and consulates in certain third countries. In a joint article published in Germany ("Handelsblatt") and in France ("La Tribune"), Mrs Lenoir and her German colleague Hans-Martin Bury underlined that the joint ministerial Council constitutes a tool for cooperation without equivalent in the world. The two, while acting as secretary generals in this Council, also prepare the sessions and programmes and ensure the follow-up to decisions. The above mentioned article adds that they chair interministerial committees for cooperation and coordinate policy development by ministries in their respective countries.
Unjustified fears. As usual, Franco-German cooperation raises both concerns (over a phantom directorate) and hopes (as a tool for reinvigorating the European building process) among the other Member States. The German Minister for Foreign Affairs Joschka Fischer was visibly angry when a British newspaper claimed to perceive a supposed 'temptation towards hegemony', and both President Chirac and Chancellor Schröder prove themselves, at every opportunity, to be respectful of their European partners, as well as of the prerogatives of the EU institutions. The document on growth and competitiveness is no more, we are assured, than a contribution towards the debate underway and to initiatives from the Ecofin Council President, Giulio Tremonti, as well as from the European Commission (from which the project originated, notably with the follow-up to the transeuropean networks project). As for the ideas concerning defence, Mrs Lenoir explained that this is an ongoing policy forming debate with the Germans, but also with the British and others.
I consider the fears over a so-called directorate unjustified. In a Europe with 15 and soon 25, it is not going to be two countries, whatever their size, which dictates. Rather, I see, in the spectacular return of the Franco-German axis, a different and far more positive message, that is to say the indication of a true desire to continue European integration not in a weak and lifeless form, but in accordance with the original aims. France and Germany take no initiative that is not open to all member states and do not intend to divide Europe. However, if according to this hypothesis, the next IGC was a failure and the 'Giscard d'Estaing Constitution' was unwound and lessened, France and Germany would move forward with the other member states that share the same requirements and ideals. It is a warning and, at the same time, an undertaking.
(FR)