I again find myself attempting to report on what Valéry Giscard d'Estaing has gradually revealed concerning his guidelines for the work of the Convention (and the expected results). Following an article at the end of July (see my column on 4 and 7 September), he explained his views in more detail last week both in his opening speech at the plenary session and speaking to reporters. I will try to summarise his statements under six headings.
1. Final results. Confirming that the objective is a treaty meeting the immense need for simplification and readability that can be understood by Europe's secondary schoolchildren, the Chairman expressed "personal preference" for a single constitutional treaty; possibly supplemented with protocols. He did, however, recognise that the idea of two treaties (one on principles and objectives and one outlining how common policies function) has its supporters, even on the Convention Praesidium. The presentation of the issue by Vice-Chairman Giuliano Amato seems to differ somewhat (see Europe of 14 September, p.3).
2. Content and objectives. After outlining principles and objectives, the constitutional treaty would cover five areas: a) the single market and common policies; b) the single currency; c) common foreign policy; d) security and defence policies; e) the common area of freedom, security and justice.
3. Functioning. Qualified majority decision-making would generally apply (with rare exceptions for issues like measures concerning Member States' taxation that don't impact on the functioning of the single currency). "Super qualified majority" voting might be required in some areas (to be defined). Without going into detail, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing said he favoured "double majority" for some decisions, i.e. the majority of Member States and the majority of the population. This would have to defined more clearly and simply than in the Nice Treaty.
4. Foreign policy. This should remain in the hands of the Council. The Chairman feels that the idea of incorporating the High Representative into the European Commission had not won significant support at the Convention and that the Commission had broad powers (trade policy and development Cupertino) but diplomacy should continue to be dealt with by the Council. He argues that it would be better to strengthen EU foreign policy by: a) strengthening the role of the High Representative, making him or her a minister or secretary of state; and b) by qualified majority voting with special measures for the countries finding themselves in the minority (which could be guaranteed the right not to have to participate in action they disapprove of in exchange for having to commit themselves to not voicing their disagreement in public)/ Valéry Giscard d'Estaing said it was important to remember that the Council is the only institution that can take decisions by qualified majority voting (the Commissions and EP decide by simple majority voting).
5. Danger of a super-state. The danger is non-existent, according to the Chairman. The Convention is seeking a new structure for the EU that has nothing to do with a super-state. If Member State ministers highlight such dangers (such as the Italian finance minister, Tremonti), it is because they haven't followed the Convention's work closely enough.
6. Timetable. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing is sticking to the target of the Convention drafting a full text in the summer of next year, so that the Intergovernmental Conference can be held in the autumn and finish its deliberations at the end of 2003 (under Italian Presidency). There would also be a new "Treaty of Rome" and citizens will be able to express their views on the treaty at the European elections of 2004 (legally, it is not possible to hold a European referendum).
The Chairman's summary does not touch on various basic issues like how to ensure that if a single government or national parliament votes "No", this does not bring the entire project tumbling down; the nature and headquarters of the future executive power; how to designate and appoint a future "President of Europe"; and how to coordinate economic policy. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing has said that on these controversial issues, and others, the Praesidium would not be unveiling any premature proposals that could be the target for people desiring to tear down the whole edifice and who are "already sharpening their knives". But some ideas with clear majority support have already come out in the debates of the plenary and the avalanche of documents piling up that I will attempt to outline tomorrow. (F.R.)