*** MAXIMOS ALIGISAKIS: Pouvoir et société en Europe : essai critique sur l’intégration européenne. Editions Academia (29 Grand’Place, B-1348 Louvain-la-Neuve. Tel: (32-10) 452395 – Fax: 454480 – Internet: http://www.editions-academia.be ). ‘Publications du Global Studies Institute de l’Université de Genève’ series, No. 15. 2017, 267 pp, €26.50. ISBN 978-2-8061-0315-4.
In this publication, Maximos Aligisakis launches a kind of fragmentation bomb, as he deals with the nature of power emanating from the European integration process. Fundamentally, his intellectual search turns on a simple question, ‘Who profits from Europe?’ This may be a simple question, but it is an explosiveone too in the hands of a scientist who confesses from the outset that he wants to ‘critically engage’ in an ideological manner in order to flush out what he sees as the ‘impasses; of European construction and imagine ways to remedy them. He does not make a claim to absolute truth, but invites readers to share his open inquiries, his working hypotheses, that some will certainly find irritating, reflecting an ethical position he feels is founded on the old Christian saying, ‘spare the rod and spoil the child.’
In the first, rather theoretical, section in which political science intersects with sociology, and also with law, economics, history and philosophy, the author makes an in-depth examination of what the nature of European integration is made of in the form in which it materialised in the European Union, considering it as an economic power that is ‘capitalist economically, oligarchic politically and institutionally, (neo)imperialist in a soft power version when it comes to international relations.’ The author, who lectures at Geneva and Fribourg Universities, hammers home his point: ‘Without reducing the EU to a simple machine in the service of multinationals (productive or financial) and lobbies, it cannot be denied that the major political directions taken in Brussels are in the interest of capital rather than the world of labour.’ As we see, his approach is politically oriented; all the same, it cannot hide concomitant reflections by the scientist when he looks at the political and institutional dimensions of the European construction process, viz. the way the Union has, on this economic foundation, restructured political power (mediation, governance and the State at European level), of all which is consolidated in an ideological and symbolic power, namely democracy and legitimacy. Therefore, he argues, theories of sovereignty or citizenship are transformed and ‘European ‘staticity’ (a term he uses to denote the existence in the here and now of characteristics of a State and the process of becoming a State) creates a context in which European society is kept as a ward.
The second part of the study looks more at the sociological aspects of the European construction process, with the author advancing the hypothesis that there will be a European society in when there is a European civil society, a European public area and a common solidarity policy, the fundamental issue in his view being knowing ‘what is the engine of the history of European integration.’ After looking into the themes of shared values, identity, inter-European trust, political forces, social policies and managing otherness, Maximos Aligisakis confirms in his conclusions that the European Union is ‘a real State although partial and weak, an ideological apparatus with variable hegemony, an uncertain social project, an area of latent conflict.’ Clearly, some of his analysis will be challenged or even denied because tinged with ideological bias. But does that go for all his analysis? For example, is he wrong to postulate ‘that there still isn’t any European society because European political mediation occurs at a long distance from citizens’? No, although it would have been preferable for him to note also that it is the member states that are screening this off and the European Union itself is not responsible for it in any way. Also, is he wrong when he says that ‘European governance is problematic because so often it forgets and even gets round democracy’? On the contrary, so far nobody has controlled the European Council.. Finally, is he wrong when it says that ‘the Europe being constructed is asocial due to lack of solidarity’ and lack of will to correct this? Perhaps he is wrong, but the crucial thing, surely. is to ask the right questions, the ones that are gnawing way at millions of European citizens? Michel Theys
*** DIMITRIS TSIODRAS: Euro-patriotisme ou ethnocentrismes. Les rivalités internes, les menaces extérieures et les niveaux de coopération dans l'UE. Editions Minoas (34 rue Korinthou, GR-14451 Metamorphosi. Tel: (30-210) 2711222 – Fax: 2776818 – Email: info@minoas.gr – Internet: http://www.minoas.gr ). 2017, 276 pp, €16.99. ISBN 978-618-02-0875-7.
What role has the French fear of Germany played in the forming of what would become the European Union? Is the EU a crucible for cooperation among States or rather a new area of national antagonism? Should we talk these days about a German Europe? if so, does it face the danger of dissolution of the Union and a return to national States? Can Europe move forwards without a new Franco-German alliance? These are some of the questions to which journalist and editorialist Dimitris Tsiodras provides answers in this book. They are all the more interesting in that this expert in international relations is also the press spokesman for the centre right political party ‘To Potami’ (The River). In these pages, he observes implementation of the ‘European idea’ in the light of various crises: the rejection of the European Defence Community by the French National Assembly, the ‘empty chair’ crisis under De Gaulle, the controversy about the nature of monetary union, the problems surrounding the reunification of Germany, competition in the eurozone, etc. Armed with the analytical tools provided by history and the theory of international relations, he dissects a number of crucial decisions by the leaders of Union countries such as Adenauer, Churchill, De Gaulle, Kohl, Mitterrand, Thatcher and Merkel. In this way, he makes a detailed analysis of competition among member states, their position in the world system and the limits of cooperation and more. He calls to the bar Thucydide and philosophers such as Kant, Morgenthau and Haas. The book enables him to say what he sees as the limits of the nation state and explain why there is a great need for political integration of the European Union. (AKa)
*** IOANNIS VASSILIOU: Les questions de l'allocation et de la redistribution des ressources dans l'UE. Editions Infoquest (66 rue Chrisidos, GR-13122 Ilion. Tél: (30-210) 2611832 – Fax: 2611832 – Courriel: info@historical-quest.com – Internet: http://www.historical-quest.com ). 2017, 80 pp, 9 €. ISBN 978-618-5088-28-6.
The European Union’s budget is the ‘backbone’ and key to success for all European policies, programmes and strategies. The way it is decided and distributed directly influences the European Union’s aims and results. Expert in European regional policy Yannis Vassiliou points out in this book that there have already been many debates about the rationality of the way the budget is constructed and allocated. He notes the importance of providing resources where need is great, particularly in this period of crisis. In the book, he explains in simple terms the main aspects of the European budget formation process, with the aim of leading the reader so see the main points of friction for himself. He starts off by offering a historical overview and makes a crucial analysis of the main political events and changes that have affected the European budget from the 1960s. In the next chapter, the author focuses on the size of the budget and how it is put together and does so in a very clear manner, which is helpful when he addresses themes such as the Multiannual Financial Framework, ‘own resources’ or the ‘discharge’ process. In the third chapter, he addresses how the budget is divided up. The final observations sum up the Union’s development of policies and activities in the light of developments in the budget. (AKa)
*** LEONOR ROSSI, PATRICIA VINAGRE E SILVA: Public Access to Documents in the EU. Hart Publishing (Kemp House, Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford, OX2 9PH, UK. Tél: (44-1865) 517530 – Fax: 510710 – Email: mail@hartpub.co.uk – Internet: http://www.hartpub.co.uk ). 2017, 340 pp, £70, $140. ISBN 978-1-5099-0533-1.
According to José Luis da Cruz Vilaça, judge at the European Court of Justice, this book will be a godsend for everyone among us who, for one reason or another, needs to have access to documents from the European institutions. Basically, it will serve them as a guide, explains the preface-writer. It is in fact a highly comprehensive toolbox that is provided in this book by two lawyers, Leonor Rossi being professor of European law at the Nova School of Business and Economics in Lisbon. The first chapter returns to the various stages that led to the Transparency Regulation (1049/2001) and explains to the satisfaction of the preface-writer that ‘the EU judicature is not empowered to address positive injunctions or orders to the institutions,’ which reduces the practical scope of the right to access to documents. There follows ‘an account of the requirements both of legal personality and representation of any person by legal counsel.’ The third chapter ‘describes the particulars of the development of a model crafted solely for the Council and the Commission into a model of institutional accountability that also embraces the European Parliament and all other institutions agencies and/or bodies.’ The question of documents to be taken into account is then examined in detail, the authors proposing that the question of access to databases should be dealt with separately. Then there are enlightening sections on the meaning of a rejection of a request for access to a document, the ‘importance of negative silence’ by an institution and the role that can be played by the member states in a procedure of this type. Finally, there is analysis of how the judges in Luxembourg examine this type of case, the authors making an assessment of case law in this domain from 1995 to 2015. (PBo)
*** LEONIDAS VATIKIOTIS, VANGELIO INTZEGIANNI: Pour le présent et l'avenir de la gauche. Le communisme et les révolutions du 21ème siècle. Editions Topos (2 rue Plapouta, GR-11473 Athens. Tel: (30-210) 822283 – Fax: 8222684 – Email: info@motibo.com – Internet: http://www.toposbooks.gr ). 2017, 144 pp, €7. ISBN 978-960-499-216-4.
Is it still possible to take a different view of the world? Is there a history for the people, or did it end in 1989 with the collapse of the Soviet Union? Isn’t the spectre of communism hovering over the whole world? What can be done to stop humanity from condemning the immense majority of people to being exploited, often ain a shameful manner? What room for manœuvre is there these days for people who are worried and progressive? It is to these ideologically-tinged questions, and plenty more besides, that answers are given that are just as ideologically-tinged. They are provided by twenty or so authors, all academics and experts on the Left in Greece and Europe, headed by Leonidas Vatikiotis, director of the review La gauche aujourd’hui, and Prof. Vangelio Ingegianni of Aristotle University in Thessalonica. It should be noted that this book with its strong political leaning has a very rich bibliography. (AKa)
*** THANOS VEREMIS: Andreas Papandreou : les grandes attentes. Editions Patakis (38 Panayi Tsaldari, GR-10437 Athens. Tel: (30-210) 3650000 – Fax: 3811940 – Email: bookstore@patakis.gr – Internet: http://www.patakis.gr ). ‘Sciences sociales et politiques’ series. 2017, 266 pp, €12.20. ISBN 978-960-16-7206-9.
Greek prime minister in the decade of 1980-1990, Andreas Papandreou made an indelible impression on Greek society, to such an extent that he is still a subject of conversation and debate today among both his friends and his political adversaries. As Thanos Veremis, professor of political history at Athens University, explains, his largely unpredictable personality is partly responsible for this, but it was also one of the challenges he had to try to face during his career. Is this appreciation connected with the fact that the author holds the Konstantinos Karamanlis chair at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Boston? Perhaps, but not excessively because he is also a researcher at the International Strategic Studies Institute in London and lectures at Harvard University (Princeton) and at St. Antony's College in Oxford. These academic titles back up his credibilty when he notes the career of a man who went from the liberal left during his miltary service in the United States to the radical and third-worldist left when he decided to aim for power and achieved it as Greek prime minister over the long haul. Going by the author, extremism and denial were written into his psyche as the man experienced a number of internal storms. He remains above all in the political history of his country – and also, a little, in Europe – as the author of manœuvres that were as unexpected as they were deliberate and which remain the characteristic of his social radicalism and charisma. Andreas Papandreou was clearly a new experience for Greek voters. His father was also prime minister a number of times and his mother was highly educated. The author slips in that this lecturer in economics in the United States no doubt owed his brash political and personal career to his rebellion against his father in 1965. (AKa)