*** BICHARA KHADER: L'Europe pour la Méditerranée. De Barcelone à Barcelone (1995-2008). Editions L'Harmattan (5-7 rue de l'Ecole Polytechnique, F-75005 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 40467920 - fax: 43258203 - Em ail: diffusion.harmattan@wanadoo.fr - Internet: http://www.librairieharmattan.com ) and Academia-Bruylant (29 Grand'Place, B-1348 Louvain-la-Neuve. Internet: http://www.academia-bruylant.be ). 2009, 256 pp, €24. ISBN 978-2-296-07417-0 (L'Harmattan) and 978-2-87209-936-8 (Academia-Bruylant).
This new book by Bichara Khader focuses on relations between Europe and the Arab world. It seeks to be, “neither a defence nor a prosecution of European policies with regard to Mediterranean countries because the intellectual trajectory is not assisted by inflexible positioning, which have no room for nuance”. Nonetheless, this senior lecturer in political science at the Catholic University of Leuven, where he heads the Research and Study Centre into the Contemporary Arab World, is not afraid to tackle the shaky relationships developed between the two sides of the Mediterranean. In this book, put together by a group of senior experts on Common Foreign and Security Policy and the group of Wise Men for cultural dialogue in the Mediterranean, he proposes a “dispassionate” but critical exploration insofar as the criticism made in this book seeks to be and actually is highly constructive with regard to the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and its trajectory since 1995.
The author subsequently sketches a critical synthesis of European Neighbourhood Policy whose, “derisory resources are not up to the scale of the task… Its geographical cover is too large, its methods too unilateral and its principles too Eurocentric”. In order to improve it, he propose dividing up the three different initiatives: a pan-European initiative incorporating the Union and all European members of the Council of Europe; an initiative between the Union and Israel, as long as this country continues in its specific relationship with the EU 27 and enjoys its unusual rate of economic development in this region; finally, a Euro-Arab initiative that would signify “the taking into account” by the Union, “of the Arab identity and the specificities involved in the problems in this region”. Subsequently, the ultimate aim would not be to, “extend the internal market outside the borders of the Union” but to help promote the rule of law, regional pacification and horizontal integration between the neighbouring countries themselves, whilst seeking to convince them that, “the model of European integration can provide a number of lessons for building their own future”.
In the same spirit, Bichara Khader takes a look at the Union for the Mediterranean by analysing the initial idea of its creator, President Sarkozy, and his speeches made at Toulon and Tangiers, as well as the first reactions to the birth of this “new baby”, who, we are still unsure whether it will be “healthy or have rickets”. The author is unable to give a definitive opinion on this baby's health yet, but he is not far removed from the pessimism expressed by Ferdinando Riccardi on the subject because he has already proposed replacing it with a, “privileged regional partnership” between the eight Union member countries neighbouring the Mediterranean and the Adriatic Sea, as well as Turkey and the principality of Monaco, the five members of the Union of the Arab Maghreb, as well as the Commission and the Arab League as full members.
The author provides a rather measured balance sheet for the Barcelona Process. In this context, he mainly focuses on the originality of this approach and the way in which it examines the geopolitical, economic and migratory transformations since 1995, which have to a greater or lesser extent affected this process. Subsequently, he seeks to verify whether the state of fraught relations between the two sides of the Mediterranean, which led to the creation of the process, is going in the right direction or not. In concluding his detailed and meticulous analysis, he is convinced that although there have been positive accomplishments, the Barcelona Process, has remained, “insufficient with regard to the persisting conflicts poisoning relationships and the challenges existing in the Mediterranean area, in terms of job creation, poverty reduction, improved education, cultural development and political and institutional reforms". Therefore, the author concludes with a robust appeal to, “introduce a root and branch reform of the partnership”. The Union is called on to adopt, “a position, which breaks with the vision of a threatening Mediterranean and for, the humanist idea, dear to the heart of Edgar Morin, in his book, 'Mer-Mère' be be reinserted”.
Michel Theys
*** L'Europe en formation. Revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme - Journal of Studies on European Integration and Federalism. Centre international de formation européenne (10 av. des Fleurs, F-06000 Nice. Tel: (33-4) 93979397 - fax: 93979398 - Email: europe.formation@cife.eu - Internet: http: //http://www.europeenformation.eu ). 2010, No. 356, 259 pp, €12. Subscription: €40.
This issue of the federalist review and dear to the heart of the late Alexandre Marc contains a very far-reaching dossier on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, entitled, “The end of a vision?” The authors draw up a scoreboard of at least measured optimism. The testimony by, for example, Edmund Ratka, a lecturer in political science at the University of Munich, explained that a policy that sought to assimilate the Union for the Mediterranean into, “a policy based on European paternalism vis-à-vis countries from the South - developed by Sarkozy - can not have lasting success". He delivers his killer blow when he asserts that, “a genuine partnership in the Mediterranean region appears difficult to achieve as long as the monopoly of interpretation deems that Mediterranean civilisation and vision of the euro-Mediterranean region remains a prerogative of the North”. Other contributions also shed light on the fact that the Union is now sacrificing incentives for democratic transformation on the altar of security and good relations with semi-authoritarian regimes. In his introduction, the political scientist Dagmar Röttsches, scientific coordinator for this dossier, also points out that with Neighbourhood Policy, the Union will not manage to offer a big enough “carrot” to encourage other countries to begin internal reforms because “convincing” them does not contain the prospect, in the long-term, of accession …
(MT)
*** HEINZ KRAMER: Die neue Aussenpolitik-Konzeption der Türkei. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politk, Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit (3-4 Ludwigkirchplatz, D-10719 Berlin. Tel: (49-30) 880070 - fax: 88007100 - Email: swp@swp-berlin.org - Internet: http: //http://www.swp-berlin.org ). Collection "SWP - Aktuell", No. 25. 2010, 4 pp.
The question regarding Turkey's integration into the Union is as controversial as ever, perhaps even more so since the arrival into power of the Conservative, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His arrival at the head of the government of the country coincides with significant political and social changes, particularly at the level of secularism, a very important point for many European governments. These changes also involve the European Union because, suffering from prevarications of certain member states with regard to Turkish accession, Turkish foreign policy has taken a turn towards, “strategic deepening”. As part of this doctrine, Turkey no longer sees itself as a European border state, beholden to the west. Turkish culture and Islam are becoming stronger within the country, whilst Ankara is assuming a more dominant role in its relationship with its neighbours. Overall, this consists of a genuine revolution in Turkish identity, which may have, in fact, ceased to identify with its western neighbour. The author of this brief study focuses on this change of policy and on its consequences.
(JD)
*** ESTELLE POIDEVIN: L'Union européenne et la politique étrangère. Le Haut représentant pour la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune: moteur réel ou leadership par procuration (1999-2009). Editions L'Harmattan (5-7 rue de l'Ecole Polytechnique, F-75005 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 40467920 - fax: 43258203 - Internet: http://www.editions-harmattan.fr ). 2010, 210 pp, €20. ISBN 978-2-296-12475-2.
For a period, Estelle Poidevin worked as a journalist in Brussels but is now working at the Commission after having found the time to write a thesis as part of her Masters degree in International practices and research at Sciences Po. This book is the sum total of this project. The book seeks to forge a concept of, “leadership by proxy” and the essential but fragile position of the High Representative. In the first part, she examines the origins of the role of the High Representative, the clear misgivings expressed by member states (some more than others), which explain, according to the author, “the constructive ambiguity” of the mandate bestowed upon the Secretary General of NATO. She also evaluates the role played by Solana in crisis management, his margins of manoeuvre, the way in which the institutional innovations on European Security and Defence Policy, helped or hindered the Union to have an impact on the ground. The second part of the book focuses on, “the High Representative put to the test in the field”. This theme was tackled in light of the traditional diplomacy and operations of crisis management.
(PBo)
*** WALTER POSCH: Die Sanktionsspirale dreht sich. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politk, Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit (see address attached). "SWP series - Aktuell", No. 26. 2010, 4 pp.
For several years, Iran has been subject to economic sanctions from the European Union because of its nuclear activities. Tehran continues to enrich plutonium despite international treaties from the International Atomic Energy Agency and the agency's inspectors being prevented from accessing uranium installations or visiting the country. Despite European and international sanctions, plutonium enrichment activity in Iran continues. The author of this brief study, therefore raises the question of the efficiency of these inspectors and asks whether it would not be more effective to play the diplomatic card. After briefly retracing the history of sanctions against Iran, Walter Posch analyses the consequences of this policy on human rights in the country and on the energy security of the European Union. The author also looks at what dangers there are of war breaking out. The different alternatives available to the European Union are also reviewed in the final part of the publication.
(JD)
*** ANNEGRET BENDIEK, ANNE SCHMIDT: Ein Europaïsche Freiwilligenskorps für humanitäre Hilfe. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politk, Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit (see address attached). "SWP series - Aktuell", 445. 2010, 4 p.
Following the earthquake that devastated H aiti at the beginning of the year, the European Union, particularly under the leadership of the Commission and the European Commissioner responsible, Kristilina Geogieva, developed a response force coordinated between the different aid services sent by member states. Nonetheless, this did not really involve humanitarian aid from the Union, but rather humanitarian assistance from European countries. This experience confirmed that setting up a European humanitarian aid corps could introduce significant advantages in terms of coordination and faster mobilisation. The European Commissioner also announced a concrete proposal going in this direction, which would be presented at the end of the year. This project is at the centre of this brief examination and the two authors weigh up the different difficulties involved, such as raising resources. They also explore the very principle of setting up a European humanitarian aid corps and what alternatives exist. They suggest that the example of the US Peace Corps could be used as a basis for the European project equivalent.
(JD)
*** PIERRE HAZAN: La paix contre la justice ? Comment reconstruire un Etat avec des criminels de guerre. André Versaille Editeur (Centre Dansaert, 7 rue d'Alost, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2133765 - Email: information@andreversailleediteur.com - Internet: http://www.andreversailleediteur.com ) and Group for Research and Information on Peace and Security (70 rue de la Consolation, B-1030 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2418420 - fax: 2451933 - Email: admi@grip.org - Internet: http://www.grip.org ). "L'international en jeu" series, No. 1. 2010, 128 pp, €9.90. ISBN 978-2-87495-080-3.
A former correspondent for Libération" and "Le Temps", Pierre Hazan has branched off towards teaching and, notably, guided a seminar on post-conflict justice at the Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (Geneva). His exchanges with his students have probably helped towards developing his exploration underpinning this book. In this book he seeks to analyse the different ramifications of judicial diplomacy born in the 1990s, when Bosnia was being torn apart by war. Since then, international criminal courts have significantly grown in number and have also provoked an equal number of virulent controversies. In this publication, the author examines the foundations and scope of this judicial diplomacy in relation to the objectives that it set itself. Has this diplomacy contributed to stability, to the return of peace and international security as it claims? The answers he provides measure the gains obtained, the limitations, the ambiguities and the creative potential for providing assistance to victims and society. The book is divided into two parts. In the first part, the author examines the emergence of new concepts (peace building, negative peace and positive peace, criminal and restorative justice, reconciliation), which accompanied the judicial revolution of the 1990s. In this prism, he examines how, since then, the political and legal relationship between finding justice and achieving peace, have been rethought. The historic and normative framework is discussed and then, in the second part, he examines the impact of judicial diplomacy in around ten different concrete situations, ranging from Afghanistan (which he presents as, “the disaster of impunity”) to the Lebanon, by way of Uganda, the Sudan, Liberia, South Africa (a country where they had “the truth and reconciliation” agreement), the former Yugoslavia (“the case of Srebrenica") and, finally, Chile. In so doing, the author reveals a number of dilemmas and problems created by judicial intrusion and which continue to affect the peace process. Ultimately, this enables the author to put forward an initial and very cautious balance sheet of the action taken by international legal bodies in their relationship with war and peace.
(MT)