Brussels, 20/01/2003 (Agence Europe) - The Greek Presidency of the EU Council, in the first half of this year, will not only have to manage the Union's "ordinary" agenda, but will doubtless have to deal with "extraordinary" events, like "the possible military campaign that the United States could conduct against Iraq (with all its complex implications of a military, economic, humanitarian and even environmental nature)" notes Georges Pagoulats, Professor at the Athens university of Economics and Business, in Issue No.21 of Notre Europe" (the studies and research group chaired by Jacques Delors) entitled "Greece, the European Union, and the 2003 Presidency". The story of Greece's integration into the European Union is an "eventful" story, notes Jacques Delors in the foreword, recalling that entry into the European Community, on 1 January 1981, had been followed in October of the same year by the victory of PASOK which had opposed membership, and then, in the early 1990s, by the opening of a period that "spectacularly led Greece to the centre of political Europe". While stressing the "huge role" played by Prime Minister Simitis in successes like integration in the EMU and the singe market, Jacques Delors notes the role the Greek Presidency will have to play "in this crucial period which is now beginning", marked by the "reunification of the continent" and the need to provide the Union with "institutions it needs to make this reunification a success".
The Greek Presidency comes at a time when relations with the EU have reached "great maturity", remarks Georges Pagoulatos, whereas, in the 80s, it had been qualified as "the country of footnotes", for its tendency to dissociate itself from common Council communiqués. Greece was then "the odd one out within the EC, to a degree comparable only to Thatcherite Britain" and was, "broadly considered as the EU's weakest link", whereby "some pundits were even playing with the idea of Greece becoming the first member ever to be ejected from the EU", writes the author. However, from the early 90s when the "macroeconomic adjustment policy inaugurated by the New Democracy Government of Constantine Mitsotakis and continued with new vigour under the PASOK governments (of Andreas Papandreou in 19993, and Kostas Simitis in 19996), "one of the most notable though less conspicuous development finally bridged the confidence gap with the EU". Today, the proof of this transformation is that "PASOK voters seem even more supportive of European integration as those of ND (Nea Demokratia), who are relatively more nationalistic and sceptical towards some of the effects of EU integration", adds Pagoulatos, while recognising that ND leaders doubtless remain as pro-EU as ever.
As for the Greek presidency, according to the author, it coincides with "a period of historical optimism for the potential of the EU, following the introduction of the common currency and the eminent reality of an enlarged Europe", but tempered by the worrying international economic and political context.
The Greek Presidency, in this uncertain economic context, will promote the "co-ordination of economic policies, especially in the field of public finance," Pagoulatos predicts, stressing that the Presidency especially intends "formulating a series of specific ambitious, but realistic objectives in view of stimulating the Lisbon Process", and at the same time promoting the modernisation of the European social model, by focusing on the "synchronisation of economic and social policy instruments", to improve their co-ordination. Acceleration of the reform of pension schemes and improvement of the transferability of social security rights will be two very important objectives of the Greek Presidency, he adds. He then places emphasis on another priority, immigration, citing Deputy Foreign Minister Tassos Yiannitsis, who stressed the need to take account of the fears that this phenomenon raises among European society, and by the fact that public attitude on this evolves "at a very slow pace". In that context, the author also notes that, for the Greek Government, "the share of the burden linked to the protection of the borders is a crucial collective problem of the EU". He then recalls, stating that the Greek Presidency would also have to take account of this principle regarding Iraq, that, as regards "major international crises, Greece's policy has always been to seek the legitimacy conferred by the United Nations before embarking on any international military campaign".
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