*** PHILIPPE HERZOG: Identité et valeurs: quel combat ? Imaginaire d'une renaissance culturelle. Editions Le Manuscrit (20 rue des Petits champs, F-75002 Paris. Tel: (33-890) 711018 - fax: (33-1) 48075010 - Email: communication@manuscrit.com - Internet: http://www.manuscrit.com ). « L'Europe après l'Europe » series. 2015, 90 pp. €10.90. ISBN 978-2-304-04544-4.
This essay is written by a thinker keeping a wary eye on the growing disenchantment that exists but to which he refuses to give in. This short but alert and stimulating essay is the extension of a "utopian road" that led the author, following a detour through communism, to the idea of Community Europe, whose construction is and remains more than ever, "the great political project of our time". Even though his European faith remains intact, this former MEP and close adviser to the "politically unique" European Commissioner Michel Barnier, he is aware to what extent the "daemons are back" in different guises, such as the variants of re-emerging nationalisms. His whole thrust consists of identifying who could be the culprits responsible for closing down Europe's "cultural renaissance" and who could help the continent to take measures (and not just suffer them) in favour of an "anthropological revolution" linked to globalisation and, above all, one that would help citizens to think about their values and identity in the perspective of a Europe that is worth fighting for.
In the first part of the book, the author suggests a "critical return to the fundamentals" and calls for a reinvention of European culture by adapting it to the current situation in the world but also by ensuring that they do not forget that this has "preceded national culture" and that French culture, in this regard, has been particularly overestimated. In this connection, even though he is mistaken for intimating that Jean Monnet would have much preferred "beginning with culture", Philippe Herzog points out that the renaissance that he initiated at the beginning of the 1950s remains "incomplete" because member states remain stuck in the "nationstate" mentality, with a French Republic defending, for example, Republican values that are no longer meaningful because they have been contradicted "by the experience of unemployment and exclusion". He therefore emphasises the need to escape the "straitjacket" currently consisting of the "nation state couple" and help citizens go beyond the leading bodies of the nations to reconfigure their national identity by giving birth to a European citizenship that is able to honourably be part of a global society and which is now the only horizon possible. He therefore highlights the importance of ensuring that in the immediate future Europe avoids collapsing under the blows and waves of immigration and from the "Europe of rules that has become a regulocacy". To this end, he seeks to return to the promises of peace and prosperity by rethinking, "the relationship between politics and the economy" and going beyond the European "regulocracy" that "attempts to short-circuit failing policy and instead attempt to govern through standards and objectives". He emphasises that what is needed is to rethink policy and establish a new social contract that ceases to cling on to, "a sclerotic state in the vain hope that it changes". What an enormous programme….
Is Philippe Herzog an unrepentant dreamer? Undoubtedly so. The fact that this unapologetic cinephile dedicates the second part of his essay to "what the cinema says about Europe" appears to confirm this. Nonetheless, the third part of the essay demonstrates that his dreams are in fact very practical and are heavily influenced by the philosophical reflections of Heidegger about culture. He outlines a number of well-known paths that could help, "the spirit of Renaissance triumph over the forces of the decomposition". He subsequently criticises, "the impotence of our civil societies, national governments and the European Union faced with the task of tackling mass unemployment" and calls on them to go beyond the mantra of "growth, the so-called saviour, in an effort to innovate and allow each and everyone to participate in the activities they are able to carry out and recreate the social cohesion and a regenerated environment in the ultimate task of creating a better system of full employment of human abilities and changing the mode of productivity through a massive effort of innovation" of which he outlines the first concrete parameters. He also calls for the dawning of a "participative democracy", which goes beyond the framework of civil and professional society to embrace the actors of an active citizenship, "open to networks that go beyond borders". Are his ideas likely to be supported? It is certainly not a done deal. Therefore, he makes a heartfelt appeal for, "a differentiated political Union" because, "we need to take on board the fragmentation that is occurring in the Union". This goes without saying but should we agree with him when he rejects a certain French pretension that, "seeks to build an avant-garde and caricature of our political egos" when in fact many Europhiles, on the contrary, believe that this would be a good thing? Is he wrong when he highlights the necessity of "shaping society in Europe" and creating a European public space for tackling the areas where our societies are not working? He argues that, "in the national political system, the rule is underpinned by morals and a theatre of representation produces passivity and nothing other than a clear conscience". He argues that what is in fact needed is "an active civil society that is capable of reinventing democracy". No one is going to be surprised, obviously, that his ideas are soon going to fall on the deaf ears of the seats of government in the Union and its member states, even though these are aware that, on this occasion, it will not be Godot that the Europeans are awaiting … Michel Theys
*** Politique. Revue de débats. ASBL Politique (9 rue du Faucon, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 5386996 - Email: secretariat@politique.eu.org - Internet: http://politique.eu.org ). November/December 2015, No. 92, 84 pp. €9. Subscription: €40.
In this issue of the progressive French-speaking Belgian Journal, editorial writer and editor in Henri Goldman takes to task the, "social democratic software" which, due to the lack of robust growth, "is driving on empty, with a political personnel that has completely been formatted by a lengthy addiction to power and is totally incapable of changing this paradigm". Following on from this, Thomas Lesuisse welcomes Jeremy Corbyn's entry onto the scene in the United Kingdom and that of Bernie Sanders in the US, both of them veterans of "post-materialist struggles" and who now find themselves in the position of embodying the left alternative and, without doubt, backing up the civil society forces that seek to transform society but without, ultimately, taking power. There is a very comprehensive feature article focusing on these initiatives and there are two contributions focusing on the "fully fledged cooperative" model in Spain and the birth of alternatives in Greece where, according to Gabriel Maissin, a "humanitarian crisis" prevails and which, for a European country is an "astounding term" to use. Etienne Lebeau examines the Junker Plan, which he believes is excellent in principle but which is largely insufficient for three reasons: "its scale is too modest given the scale of the current economic stagnation", the insufficiently innovative character of the mechanisms included in it and, above all, the fact that the real reasons for the lack of investment are not identified in it. The European Commission simply thinks that it has to tackle a "classic recession" when in fact it is, "a profound recession that can degenerate into an economic depression" impacting on the entire Union. (MT)
*** GEORGE OIKONOMOU: La démocratie directe. Les autorités, les arguments, les possibilités. Editions Papazisi (2 rue Nikitara, GR-10678 Athens. Tel: (30-210) 3822496 - fax: 3809020 - Email: papazisi@otenet.gr - Internet: http://www.papazisi.gr ). 2015, 256 pp. €13.85. ISBN 978-960-02-3064-2.
In the political parties and media, as well as among intellectuals and on the Internet, the notion of democracy is surrounded by much confusion. This book, by a philosopher from the University of Crete, seeks to provide a number of clarifications. After getting right back to the historical origins of democracy in ancient Greece and highlighting what institutions and fundamental arguments form the foundations of this system, George Oikonomou sets out from the "changing places" set in motion in summer 2011, the notion of direct democracy in the perspective of the Swiss parliamentary system and constitution. He also places democracy in a perspective of its "relationship" with the ideologies of liberalism, socialism, communism and anarchy. He also examines the possible conditions for changing the current oligarchic regime and opportunities that exist for the direct participation of citizens, particularly in the prevailing situation in Greece. The author believes that the crisis that struck the country in 2008 has cruelly revealed the insufficiencies and other shortcomings in the system of representative democracy, which makes a thorough going reflection on how political power can really be controlled by the people, crucial. The economic crisis has put the very essence of what democracy is, back at the centre of the debate. Democracy must both guarantee the possibility of equal representation for all in the definition of power and bestow each and everyone of us with a responsibility for implementing the political decisions on the behalf of the people. This has given rise to developing the prospects for a political organisation capable of mobilising movements and parties on the left over recent years in Greece but not just in this country. There are many different quarters that claim direct democracy as part of their own political heritage but the author also demonstrates that those defending it interpret this notion in very different ways. Some interpretations involve agreement about the ensemble or a consensus, whilst others demand agreement on a new kind of democratic centralism. It is very rare that the notion is used and interpreted as an instrument by the majority to transcend partisan differences. (AKa)
*** Fedechoses… pour le fédéralisme. Presse fédéraliste (Maison de l'Europe et des Européens, 242 rue Duguesclin, F-69003 Lyon. Internet: http://www.pressefederaliste.eu ). September 2015, No 169, 40 pp.. Annual subscription: €30.
This issue of the still combative French federalist journal highlights the "crises threatening Europe and democracy" (crisis in Greece and Europe but also on the left, which goes beyond Europe itself and which is highlighted in the editorial). Rudolf Kalman from Lyon therefore speaks openly of a "European Civil War" given that the Union is, "at war with itself again" because we now have, "the Europe of the banks against the Europe of the people". The economist, Michel Herland, believes that the Eurozone will remain unsound as long as it fails to manage the different situations within it in a way that France has done with its own regions, which are just as diverse in terms of development and unemployment. He also points out that, "sovereign debt defaults are not in the least exceptions". British federalist and former MEP, Andrew Duff, points out that the responses to the crises that broke out in 2008, consisted of reinforcing the technocratic nature of the EU and compromising its democratic legitimacy. He argues that as a result, the Union remains trapped in a situation of uncertainty between a confederal organisation (the proof of which has shown that it is not working well) and a federal union (which has still not been tried). He says that the only possible exit door from above would involve shifting to a "far-reaching revision of the treaties". Some of the other subjects tackled include the question of migrants and minority languages. (MT)
*** NIKOS MOUSSIS: L'Union européenne. Le droit, l'économie, la politique. Editions Papazisi (see address attached). 2015, 606 pp. €40.28. ISBN 978-960-023107-6.
In this book, Nikos Moussis seeks to provide a global picture of the process of European integration and guides the reader step-by-step through the labyrinth of European policies. The author has been a European civil servant for a very long time and is currently the director of DG Enterprise at the European Commission. His long career therefore means he is ideally situated to provide an overview of the institutions and the reasons for their existence, because he has had the personal experience of working within them. In this book, he provides a meticulous analysis of the European treaties, as well as of the structure and functions of the European institutions, Customs Union, Common Market and Economic and Monetary Union. There is a particular focus on citizens' rights and consumer protection, as well as areas of regional, social, tax and environmental policies. One chapter focuses on sectoral policies (industry, research and development, energy, transport, agricultural policy and fisheries), another looks at external policies (trade policy and external relations) and their prospects. He is also a visiting professor of three US universities (Emory, Atlanta and Georgia) and alludes to a certain number of specific references in the Official Journal, so that readers are guided through the provisions in European law that may particularly interest them. He provides a bibliography for more than 600 very prestigious international essays and press articles, selected according to their particular subject area, as well as a vast but more general bibliography and glossary. (AKa)
*** ELISABETH LAMBERT ABDELGAWAD, HELENE MICHEL (Editors): Dictionnaire des acteurs de l'Europe. Editions Larcier (139/6 rue Haute, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-10) 482511 - fax: 482693 - Email: commande@deboeckservices.com - Internet: http://www.larcier.com ). « Dictionnaires Larcier » series. 2015, 409 pp. €75. ISBN 978-2-8044-7168-2.
This is an innovative Dictionary insofar as it does not exclusively focus on the European institutions and the way in which they function but also provides an explanation on the behalf of its citizens, voters, workers, employers and legal practitioners, as well as those working to develop the European project, change it prevent it or complete it. The authors' approach is rather unusual from the perspective of European political sociology but in addition to this, its authors are eager to prevent restrict matters to "the Europe of the European Union" and, on the contrary, strive to open it up to a "Europe of human rights". The vast majority of the 118 contributions involve the different stakeholders and actors in this perspective, but the authors also focus on the transversal concepts that involve the latter. There are more than 80 editors involved in these contributions, all of whom come from the academic community. This book is also a window on the research conducted in European political sociology at the University of Strasbourg, which takes into account the complexity of the diverse phenomena tackled. Readers have an array of controversial subjects to examine for themselves as well as questions that are still left pending. Contributions include subjects as varied as "Local Level Actors", the "Greens, "Citizens" and more specifically, article such as "Paper Citizens, "Citizens in Action" and "Participant Citizens", the Directors General of the Commission, "Budgetary Federalism", the "Lobbyists", the "Militants", the "Protests" and the "Sovereignists". The book also includes an index. (PBo)