Simple truths. The roadmap for implementation of the Lisbon Treaty is the second part of the ambitious triptych to be decided upon at the European Council this week (see my column in yesterday's bulletin). Ireland now has to explain its own roadmap for asking the Irish people to express their views. It is a very simple issue in terms of principles - the Irish have to say whether they want their country to be an active member of the European project or whether it should remain on the fringes.
It has emerged that it was due to misunderstandings that the majority voted no in the first Irish referendum. The new treaty would not force Ireland to change its tax legislation. It would not introduce any measures on abortion and gay marriage (such issues are decided upon by the Member States). It would not challenge Ireland's neutrality (any moves towards EU defence will remain voluntary) and it would extend for several years the one country one commissioner rule, which could later be continued in the future (if the new treaty does not come into force, there would be an immediate reduction in the number of commissioners). These are simple truths.
If the Irish confirm their no vote again, the other member states will take note of this, reserving the right to continue down the road of integration while safeguarding the rights of all.
The true objectives of the Lisbon Treaty are clear - extending common policies to the energy domain; opening up the option of moving towards a defence Europe; consolidating some pillars of the European model of society (like services of general interest); improving the way the EU institutions function and improving the EU's democratic base. It is not necessary to share out all the treaty measures in detail or to believe that it fully matches the ambitions of all and sundry in order to agree with Jacques Delors that the treaty does not correspond to the Europe we dreamed of but we will vote for it because it is a move in the right direction. This is what has been decided by all member states' parliaments that have examined the draft treaty.
If a country does not agree, its choice will be fully respected, in the same way that Norway's no vote on whether to join the EU was, and just as the United Kingdom, Denmark and Sweden's decision not to join the Euro was. The EU has always decided on appropriate formulae for reluctant countries to enable them to cooperate. If Norwegians are happy with the current set-up, good for them. If the British and Danish governments feel they made the right choice when they decided to keep their own currencies, we congratulate them. Everyone is free to make their own choices and accept the consequences.
Uncertainty about what to do. Everything should be clearer in terms of principles, but uncertainty remains about the road to go down. It is not possible to amend the Lisbon Treaty because this would mean every member state would have to start the ratification process from scratch. The option that tends to be mooted is that of a number of clarifying statements on the above-mentioned issues, along with a political commitment to ensure each country keeps its commissioner (this is possible under the Lisbon Treaty). The Irish government is trying to win more than simply statements attached to the treaty because they want them made legally binding. Protocols, for example, to be added to the treaty now and ratified at a later date (when the next new country joins the EU) so as to avoid the need for countries to go through the ratification process again. The Irish government points out that Ireland's negotiating power and influence in the EU is being eaten away and foreign investors are being put off, even from the United States, because they worry that they would lose access to the rest of the EU from Ireland.
Alain Lamassoure MEP suggested that Ireland could introduce guarantees into its constitution so that it feels more at ease in the EU. The Irish constitution could stipulate, for example, that Ireland shall keep full national sovereignty in family law, defence policy and indirect taxation and then the Irish parliament could ratify the Lisbon Treaty. Rather than voting on a legal document that is incomprehensible to the common man, the Irish would vote on a very simple issue, whether they want to remain part of the EU.
The preparatory talks among foreign ministers on Monday (see yesterday's newsletter) showed that there is a difference of opinion. Some even suggest the decision should be put off until the spring and the new treaty coming into force should be postponed until 2010. There will tough talks at the summit. (F.R/transl.fl.)