*** BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI: Paix, développement, démocratie: trois agendas pour gérer la planète. Editions A. Pedone (13 rue Soufflot, Paris). 2002, 235 pp, 20 euros. ISBN 2-233-00402-7.
The world is arranged in such a way that it is sometimes highly useful (and a good idea psychologically) to be able to turn to books that reject the normal jaded view of politics to provide a more encouraging vision of hope of human relations and relations between countries. The same goes for books which in no way fit into the category of the hare-brained meanderings of amateur philosophers, cut off from reality and the obligations that go with political management. Up to his elbows in big-time international politics, Boutros Boutros-Ghali was fully immersed in his job at Secretary General of the United Nations, but all the same he was able to find time to set out in drafting three "agendas" aiming to be as much tools for action as the elucidation of personal reflections and personal ethics that elude the best drawn-up conventions of the closed universe (riven with conservatism) of the United Nations. This book is made up of three reports, written between 1992 and 1996 but having lost none of their visionary pertinence, along with two critical articles by US and Italian academics.
The first report is an Agenda for Peace published in 1992, where the Egyptian Secretary General recommends the setting up of preventative missions (as later happened for the first time in Macedonia) and a permanent crisis management mechanism, rather than the habitual reacting to events in an improvised manner, as still happens to today for conflict situations. In the light of the recent crises in Somalia, Angola and Yugoslavia, the Agenda was supplemented in 1995 by a "Supplement" that Boutros Boutros-Ghali describes in the foreword as being more detailed and complete, but only being appreciated to an extent that was highly revealing of te changes that were then taking place in US policy.
With the Agenda for Development of 1993 and 1994, Boutros Boutros-Ghali tackles an even more sensitive issue in that although the United Nations Charter sets out detailed peacekeeping measures, it is far less prolific over the issue of development, which remains to this day a confusing and controversial issue. This is true to such a degree that countries responded in 1997 to the new approach to development (recommended by the Secretary General and seen as a global phenomenon that can no longer be restricted to the economic domain) by issuing a report following in the UN's administrative traditions, but more encyclopaedic, in which the ideas explored by Boutros Boutros-Ghali were barely mentioned… He explains in the foreword that since that time, the United Nations have taken several spectacular measures to try and provide new impetus to development aid but such aid is still beset by the same problems as before - the proliferation of overlapping bilateral and multilateral aid, the growth of which ends up cancelling some of their effectiveness; too high administrative and operating charges connected with economic aid (which have the perverse effect of some of the aid coming indirectly back to the donor's pocket); the new trend of wanting to replace the donor-receiver relationship with a partnership based on a common political vision, undermined in practice by the lack of any impartial umpire; and the UN sanctions regime which clearly contradicts the basic right of development in that, for example, it always hits the poorest and most marginalized members of the population, never rulers… The end result of this is that development remains the biggest challenge of the century that is beginning, and the UN' role here is even less certain that it was when the United Nations was set up.
In the Agenda for Democratisation, Boutros Boutros-Ghali gets stuck into a domain that is even less certain. With the personal initiative of the Agenda (for which he has come in for some criticism), Boutros-Ghali has published ideas considered by some circles as politically incorrect. Can one get away with arguing that democracy is not a model to be copied by some states, but a target to be met by all the world's peoples, or that the democratic ideal is not just to be encouraged, but is also to be considered in global terms, with globalisation of the economy having to go hand in hand with a movement of globalising democracy? In the current environment, such ideas would not necessarily be appreciated in Washington or Baghdad. In its chaotic path, however, hasn't the European Union provided some outline responses to these fundamental issues over the past fifty years?
Michel Theys
*** Militaires-humanitaires, à chacun son rôle. Cohérence et incohérences des opérations militaro-humanitaires. Grip (33 rue Van Horde, B-1030 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2148420 - Fax: 2451933 - E-mail: admi@grip.be - Internet: http: //http://www.grip.org ). "Les livres du Grip" No. 258-260. 2002, 278 pp, 6.90 euros. ISBN 2-87027-929-9.
The dictionary definition of "humanitarian", as "aiming at the good of humanity and improving the human condition" falls lacking when it comes to describing the sheer wealth of situations the term describes. At the beginning of this book, lawyer Jean-Philippe Renaud provides some rare reference points in what he describes as the humanitarian explosion, or the confusing of the adjectives "humanitarian" and "military".
The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet empire, and the Gulf War put an end to the world divided between two powers, giving rise to a freeing of international institutions like the United Nations and more specifically the UN Security Council, which has seen its role and responsibilities grow. Peacekeeping operations or even operations to impose peace are increasing, leading to ever greater confusion between "humanitarian" and "military". All the more so when some states ignore the Security Council. Valérie Peclow, Grip researcher (Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité) argues that NATO against this backdrop has found an opportunity to enhance its image and change itself in the aftermath of the Cold War, providing a contribution to a level of confusion.
The same is argued for the European Union and its so-called "Petersberg" missions that are the backbone of the still hypothetical European defence policy. The missions remain internal in scope of course, defence of its Member States, but they also have external scope through "peacekeeping and strengthening of international security". The latter idea sends one to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and clearly foresees the option of sending armed forces outside the European Union's borders, according to this book.
In this connection, the confusion of humanitarian with military is not only found in practice, but also to an ever greater extent in the legal domain. Two essentially different approaches pit humanitarian law and legality against the use of force. The latter, jus ad bello or jus contra bello, is sometimes used to justify diverging from the former, jus in bello. And conversely, some violations of humanitarian law are cited to justify the legality of a war, particularly in the framework of the doctrine of what is known as the right to intervene. The overlapping of the two are liable to damage the legitimacy and political credibility of both. They are being used to serve specific interests, thereby reinforcing the confusion, the history, causes and practical occurrence of which this book attempts to illustrate.
(AD)
*** Le chef d'Etat et le droit international. Editions A. Pedone (see above). "Société Française pour le Droit International" series, 2002, 300 pp, 36 euros. ISBN 2-233-00401-9.
This book reports on a conference organised in Clermont-Ferrand (France) in June 2001 by the Société Française pour le Droit International to look at changes in the status of heads of state in international law. First of all, it focuses on how a head of state is defined via a general, multidisciplinary approach taking as its starting point a description of changes in history in the status of heads of state. Prof. Jean-Paul Pancracio (Université d'Auvergne) describes, for example, how from the fifteenth to the twentieth century, there was a move from the personal sovereignty of the head of state to institutionalised sovereignty, and from legal inequality to legal equality through moving from a function of the incarnate sovereignty and state to the function of representing the state. Other essays then look at the position of head of state and the head of state's entourage. This is followed by consideration of a head of state's tasks, in the light of the head of state's task of representation and their position in the framework of international agreements. The last part of the book looks at immunity and protection of the head of state, ending up with the proceedings of a roundtable illustrating the problems of commitment and the personal responsibility of heads of state.
(MT)
*** Coopération Sud. Politique sociale: filet de sécurité ou tremplin ? Coopération technique pour les pays en voie de développement, United National Development Programme, Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (One United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017. Tel: (1-212) 9065737 - Fax: 9066352 - E-mail: cosmas.gitta@undp.org). 2001, No. 2, 191 pp.
For many developing countries, globalisation means a deterioration of social insecurity amplifying the impact of external economic forces, encouraging the restructuring of the national economy and the job market and accelerating socio-economic changes and boosting social risks. This statement is continued by the argument that this situation makes citizens exhaust their assets, thereby maintaining and intensifying the cycle of poverty. In order to counter this downward spiral, action is needed upstream over and above models that consist of putting forward the idea of a safety net. The deep causes of insecurity must be solved, rather than the symptoms. This book published by a United Nations body analyses measures taken with this in mind in Latin America, Arab countries and Southern Africa. It also looks at Finland, where the protection system worked to eliminate poverty. Summing up, Brasnislav Gosovic calls on readers to reconsider the "pensée unique" and its current hegemony in both the North and the South in the minds of decision-makers. (AD)
*** Développement et politiques agro-alimentaires dans la région méditerranéenne. Rapport annuel 2001. Centre international de hautes études agronomiques méditerranéennes (11 rue Newton, F-75116 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 53239100 - Fax: 53239101 - E-mail: secretariat@ciheam.org - Internet: http://www.ciheam.org ), 2002, 227 pp. ISBN 2-85352-235-0.
Given that the Commission unveiled its draft reform of the Common Agricultural Policy in July 2002, the CIHEAM Annual Report could not have been published at a better moment. Detailed and accessible, it is a veritable goldmine of information about farming in the Mediterranean, setting the issue against the backdrop of international negotiations and the restructuring of national agricultural policies. It highlights asymmetry between countries on the North and South Mediterranean and in terms of market access to the EU, following this with an analysis of the different sectors and countries. It sums up by comparing the macro-economic aspects of productivity in EU countries with their Mediterranean neighbours. The situation can be described as feeble rise in production and an increase in the agricultural labour force in countries on the South Mediterranean, which restricts the growth in farming income in those countries. Whence the importance of them finding original solutions to ensure sustainable and more efficient farming is developed. (BJL)
*** The EU and the GCC. A New Partnership. The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute (Convento, 9 via dei Roccettini, I-500016, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy. Fax: (39-055) 4685775 - E-mail: forinfo@iue.it). "Policy Papers" No. 02/7. 2002, 21 pp.
It is a truth universally acknowledged that the events of September 11 2001 radically changed the face of global geopolitics. Against this backdrop, the role that the EU can play in the Gulf, working together with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC, made up of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is critically important. This political document is the last in a series of seven policy papers reporting on the discussions of a group of experts and diplomats who met to consider an EU strategy for the Gulf. It sketches out a broad picture of relations between the GCC and the EU, outlines why the EU should get involved in the region to a greater extent, identifies targets to be pursued and considers ways of achieving them by focussing on both organisations' common interests. They recommend that dialogue focusses on security, stability and education.
(BJL)
*** Bulletin de jurisprudence constitutionnelle. Editions du Conseil de l'Europe (F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex. Tel: (33-3) 88412581 - Fax: 88413910 - E-mail: publishing@coe.int - Internet: http: //book.coe.int). 2002, 180 pp, 30.48 euros.
In this book published on a regular basis, the European Committee for Democracy through Law (also known as the Venice Committee) reports on the case law of constitutional courts and other courts with similar powers in Europe, including the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice. It also reports on similar courts in other countries in the world. This information is given to help judges resolve sensitive issues that often face various countries at the same time.
(MT)
*** The Official Publications Office of the European Communities, L-2985 Luxembourg, http: //publications.eu.int has published the following document:
*** La energia y el medio ambiente en la Union Europea. Resumen. Agencia Europea de Medio Ambiente (Kongens Nytorv 6 - DK-1050 Copenhagen K - Tel: (45) 33367100 - E-mail: eea@eea.eu.int - Internet: http: //eea.eu.int) . 2002, 23pp. ISBN 92-9167-419-2.
This report by the European Environment Agency has been drafted from indicators for energy and the environment, with the aim of providing government agents with the information they require to be able to take better account of environmental considerations in their energy policies, as agreed at the Cardiff European Council of 1998. The EU's energy policy should meet three priority objectives, namely security, competitiveness and protection of the environment. The report points out the importance of some quantitative indicators.
*** Liaisons sociales Europe. (187/189 quai de Valmy, F-75494 cedex 10. Tel: 0 825 825 371 - Internet: http://www.ls-europe ). From 25 July to 4 September 2002, No.61, 8pp. Cost: 25 euros.
The front page of this issue has the heading: European judges hear their first Works Council. For the first time, the right of staff representatives to intervene at the European Court of Justice has been recognised by EU judges. In terms of social affairs, the Court of Justice should facilitate the setting up of European Works Councils.
*** One Europe or Several? The Dynamics of Change across Europe. ESRC (University of Sussex - Falmer - Brighton BN1 9SH - Tel: (44) 1273 678560 - Fax: 1273 678571 - j.rollo@sussex.ac.uk - http://www.one-europe.ac.uk ). Spring-Summer 2002, Issue 7. 11pp.
The current issue of this publication from the Economic & Social Research Council of Sussex University opens with an article on European integration and the rise of the populist right in Western Europe, which has had a profound impact on the debate surrounding the relevance of European integration. Certain fears in both East and West Europe could impact on the enthusiasm surrounding enlargement, but the there is great interest in the future of Europe in many sources close to the Economic and Social Research Council. The debates outlined in this book bear witness to this, and the Convention Forum is omnipresent.
*** Revue du marché commun et de l'Union européenne. Editions Techniques et Economiques (3 rue Soufflot, F-75005 Paris. Tel: (+33-1) 55426130 - Fax: 55426139 - E-mail: editecom@starnet.fr - Internet: http://www.editecom.com ). September 2002, No 461. 566pp. Annual subscription: 165 euros.
The book opens with an interview with Commissioner Fischler concerning agricultural policy and then moves on to consider (again) various issues connected with European integration. For example, there is a very detailed essay on the issue of creating a single payment area within the Eurozone, followed by several milestones on the path of strengthening the integrity of European financial markets with an ad hoc directive. Other issues are covered at random, such as the background to the second rail package, a short history of competition and competition law in 2001, specific identification criteria for state aid for companies in financial difficulty and the controversy surrounding whether individuals can make appeals for cases to be annulled.
*** Documents. Revues de questions allemandes. (50, rue de Laborde - 75008 Paris - Tel: (33-1) 43879040 - Fax: 42935094 - E-mail: bild.documents@wanadoo.fr). 57th year, No 2, 2002. 128pp. 9.15 euros.
In the run-up to the German elections, this issue includes an article on the political environment in Germany, looking at Gerhard Schröder in difficult times, the values of the Greens, trade unions in a new crisis, the springtime words of France and Germany, an ambitious look at the entire history of Germany and one family, one century.
Reviews in brief
*** Notabene. Newsletter from the Observatoire social européen, 2002, No127. Brussels. A favourite topic of many European publications is the debate over the future of Europe. Notabene does not fail to answer the call, providing its contribution to issues like tax policy and economic government in the EU, or asylum and immigration: the EU's missions impossible?