Without a shadow of doubt, Wednesday, 19 January 2022 will go down in history as a red-letter day for the European Parliament. It was the first major session adeptly chaired by Roberta Matsola, the new President who had been elected the day before in the first round of votes by a comfortable majority (see EUROPE 12871/1), pulling in the support of most MEPs from the three largest political groups, plus the ‘Conservatives and Reformists’ (ECR), whose candidate pulled out at the last minute.
It was the occasion for a major political session, lasting nearly 3 and a half hours, during which the President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron, presented the priorities of the French Presidency of the Council of the EU and then responded to comments from nearly 50 MEPs.
It was also a high point in the renationalisation of a section of the debate, with many French members taking advantage of this eminent platform to plug their political group, or themselves, ahead of the presidential election of April this year – a situation that should be avoided in future with a reform of the EP’s internal rules of procedure.
The worst offender was Yannick Jadot, the Greens’ candidate in the race for the Élysée Palace, with a rhetoric suggesting a meeting with all the big guns out, scattered with personal attacks and unsubtle accusations, in the obvious hope of creating a stir back home in France, as the country prepares to go to the polls. This caused a procedural incident: it had to be pointed out that the EP is not the French National Assembly. Also worth mentioning in dispatches are that following a few extremely pointed comments about the shortcomings of the Council of the EU, the chair of the EPP group, Manfred Weber, explicitly announced his hopes that the right-wing candidate, Valérie Pécresse (‘Les Républicains’), would win, that the representative of the ‘Identity and Democracy’ group, Jordan Bardella, a member of the Front National, displayed his enormous talent for parroting nationalistic nonsense and on behalf of The Left, Manon Aubry, a member of the ‘France insoumise’ group of presidential candidate Mélenchon, made a critical contribution, both more incisive and more refined, in support of the interests of the poorest members of society. The French press dwelled upon these side-events, but the session as a whole deserved far better.
President Macron made a long speech, praising Europe’s unique foundation on its democratic, cultural and educational traditions and calling for the consolidation of its power, independence, rule of law and climate, industrial and peace ambitions (see EUROPE 12872/1). Of the various new mechanisms he proposed, allow me to highlight his suggestion that the Parliament be given a right of legislative initiative, which came in for rapturous applause from the audience, but which looks to me like a bad idea dressed up as a good one (see EUROPE 12290/1); there is a more pressing need to put an end to unanimous voting at the Council in external policy and taxation matters! Also, modifying the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU in favour of women and the environment is another excellent suggestion, but not that easy to bring about.
Emmanuel Macron twice gave tireless, methodical responses to parliamentary contributions from the floor, showing himself to be able to hold his own on all matters. This brilliant exercise, demonstrating his knowledge in all areas, went down fairly well in the hemicycle.
Even so, the outstanding quality of his discourse was not enough to overcome all scepticism. Firstly, because the MEPs, like the media, know very well from experience that the successive six-monthly Presidencies of the Council start off promising the earth, but by the end, they have only partially achieved their objectives (this would make a fascinating subject for an impact assessment). Secondly, because this French Presidency will be very different from its last one in 2008. Up until April, it is considered likely that at the very top level, the timetable will be dominated by the presidential campaign (the official announcement of Macron’s candidacy is simply a matter of time); after that, there will only be two months in which anything might possibly be done if there is no change in the Élysée Palace, and goodness knows what will happen if there is. Finally, because there are other uncertainties hanging over the Presidency of the Council of a geopolitical nature, not least Russian manoeuvres on the border with Ukraine and in Africa. In the meantime, it is well worth having a look at the full programme of the French Presidency (https://bit.ly/3Ae9AGk ).
In his book ‘Révolution’, published in November 2016, Macron, not yet a presidential candidate, sidelined the European Parliament massively. In the chapter on reforming Europe, he referred to it only in passing, in reference to trade agreements (p. 234). To avoid a mistake of this kind, he could simply have read the TEU. The proposed change will not come from there, but from national democratic conventions and a group of pioneer States. Once elected, President Macron did not really get to the bottom of the European Parliament until he went there in April 2018, EU sovereignty, but also for a European programme to support local authorities receiving refugees… He received a mixed welcome. One year later, with the ‘Renaissance’ in the European elections, he sought to influence the future legislative period. After his strong opposition to Spitzenkandidaten and the decisions of July 2019 on the package of nominations, he took the full measure of the existence, consistency and independence of the European Parliament. His investment in his recent performance confirms that he has not forgotten this.
It was also in autumn 2016 that Macron announced that what France needed was a “Jupiterian” head of state, by which he means one who is imperious and dominant. This comment would appear to reflect his reading of the French Constitution or his admiration for Gaullian posturing. Initially taken as a joke – no end of material for the country’s comedians – his words spread throughout the media: once elected, the President became the ‘Jupiter of the Élysée’. Trials and tribulations forced him to lower his sights a little, to the point of once again recognising his mistakes or faux pas, which is hardly consistent with the nature of the supreme God of the Romans. No, he did not think he was Jupiter, for President’s sake. The names of other divinities were applied to him, but none of them really stuck. Even so, football fans can still purchase a ‘Macron Jupiter’ strip.
20 January 2022. His strong voice, his passion, his persuasive tone, the movements of his arms, the demonstration of his patience, his certainty that he is in the right: every box was ticked in Macron’s Strasbourg address. The total speech, on the universal past, present and future. A compelling answer to every argument.
Jupiter: the return. For France? Forget it! But for Europe: yes. There is no competition, the other planets are aligned and the stars are sparkling.
But for how long? Quousque tandem, as the Romans would say…
Renaud Denuit