*** MARIO TELO, FREDERIK PONJAERT (Editors): The EU's Foreign Policy. What Kind of Power and Diplomatic Action? Ashgate Publishing Ltd (Wey Court East, Union Road, Farnham, Surrey, GU9 7PT, UK. Tel: (44-1252) 736600 - Email: info@ashgatepublishing.com - Internet: http://www.ashgate.com ). "The Globalisation, Europe, Multilateralism Series". 2013, 248 pp, £20. ISBN 978-1-4094-6452-5.
This book is the result of a number of multidisciplinary research projects on global multilateral governance backed by the European Commission. This book also begins a series on the work undertaken by academics looking at how the European Union positions itself and behaves in the world. It is not an exclusively introspective enterprise because it also looks at how the Union is regarded in other countries such as Mexico, Boston and Cape Town, Beijing, Tokyo and Singapore etc. Therefore, Mario Telò (on behalf of the Université libre in Brussels and responsible for editing this series) explains that the researchers are able to escape from the comfort provided by functionalist theories and siren calls of Eurosceptic streams to develop a robust scientific assessment of the Union's foreign policies and their subsequent impact. The first volume in the series appears to prove that this approach is both conclusive at a scientific level and… reassuring for those in charge of conducting the Union's external action. The overall message in the different contributions provided in this book would be comforted to hear the message from French ambassador Pierre Vimont, the Executive Secretary General for external action when he confirms that, “Europe remains an exceptional adventure full of possibilities that could open the way to real progress on condition - and this is by no means negligible - that its members show the political willingness to proceed in that direction”.
Transforming this potential into reality, however, remains an extremely difficult exercise. The first part of the book is located in a global context in which the Union attempts to insert itself in a landscape that is in a continual state of flux and subject to great uncertainty. Professor Andrew Gamble from the University of Cambridge observes that a kind of multi-polar world could emerge, as the US begins to lose momentum and emerging powers are still fragile at different levels despite their economic dynamism. He also points out that due to the lack of an economic and political counterweight to its monetary union, the Union is still in a fragile position when it comes to intervening in a world that is increasingly interdependent and where institutionalised co-operation has to confront an increasing number of challenges. Nonetheless, Professor Gamble is convinced that we should not underestimate the resilience demonstrated by the EU27 and therefore not exclude a neo-multilateral scenario emerging in which it is able to assert itself. Based on the effectiveness and impact of security and defence policies in light of the evolving link between the CSDP and NATO, Professor Jolyon Howorth (Yale University) is much more bitter in his judgement of the intervention in Libya, which he believes was impossible without NATO resources and which definitively scuppered any lingering illusions of a “Europe of power” as an autonomous agent and which is why he argues for the two organisations to close ranks. Professor Telò (Université libre de Bruxelles) drives this message home by identifying a number of different factors that explain the result of Common Foreign and Security Policy and Security Policy in Libya, such as the context of the “Arab spring”, the domestic impact of the euro zone crisis, the irresistible demilitarization of the nearly ruined European states, the negative consequences of the growing institutional complexity, which ultimately illustrate that the "king (still) has no clothes". The Union, however, does have a number of other advantages at its disposal, which leads them to believe that the Union could still contribute “even with an inevitably enhanced German leadership” to better global multilateral governance if it managed to combine long-term structural foreign policy with more co-ordinated and proactive diplomatic action. This political scientist from the ULB subsequently concludes that, “Beyond two opposite alternatives - a marginalized, irrelevant and inward-looking EU or the missionary zeal of the some of the past decades - this third way centred on gradually transforming the Westphalian order remains a possible way out of the current deadlock”.
In the second part of the book, the advantages the Union has possessed since the most recent revisions of the Treaties to transform this subsequent outline are analysed with the same scientific rigour as are the persisting weaknesses in the institutional machinery. This scenario leads the three authors involved in writing this part of the book to conclude that it would be mistaken to harbour too many allusions and one of them points out that we are witnessing a diplomatization of the EU, rather than a Europeanization of the national foreign policies. In the third part of the book, the authors seek to assess the Union's external action on the ground in light of European Neighbourhood Policy, which has hitherto been severely judged and the different strategic partnerships that have been developed over the years and which have appeared more promising. The three final chapters focus on how things are perceived in Beijing, Tokyo and New Delhi. This book provides useful clarification from beginning to end!
Michel Theys
*** ANTONIO MISSIROLI: Strategic foresight - and the EU. Institut d'études de sécurité de l'UE (100 av. de Suffrein, F-75015 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 56891930 - fax: 56891931 - Internet: http://www.iss.europa.eu ). “Briefs” series, No. 13. 2013, 4 pp.
In this study, Antonio Missiroli examines the renewed interest in strategic reflections and the appropriateness of the strategic predictions model. The Director of the EU Institute for Security Studies underlines the extent to which data underpinning the strategic modelling have become volatile (economic and financial crises, the appearance of new strategic players, the weakening of States and the increased number of uncontrolled players, political and social disputes, faster communications, etc.). From now on “the future, even the immediate future, looks highly unpredictable”, Missiroli says, recalling that, except for the 2003 security strategy which, despite its imperfections, was a remarkable result at a time when the member states were divided over Iraq, the previous strategic reflection exercises at European scale did not yield any real added value (here reference is mainly made to the assessment by Javier Solana of the three common strategies on Russia, Ukraine and the Mediterranean). Antonio Missiroli takes the view that this can be explained not only by the lack of a clear and commonly accepted definition of what a strategy is (and of what is strategic, one feels like adding) but also by the method for developing these texts, all too often subject to intergovernmental negotiations that result in no more than “Christmas trees”. He goes on to conclude by suggesting that a form of “permanent conversation” be launched “on our common 'strategic' interests and the best means to protect them”.
(EDD)
*** Hans-Georg Heinrich, Ludmilla Lobova (editors): Legal Systems in Transition. A Comparison of Seven Post-Soviet Countries. Peter Lang (1 Moosstrasse, Postfach 350, CH-2542 Pieterlen. Tel: (41-32) 3761717 - fax: 3761727 - e-mail: info@peterlang.com - Internet: http://www.peterlang.com ). 2012, 299 pp. €47.95. ISBN 978-3-631-62186-8.
In this book, several different authors closely or distantly linked to the political sciences or legal world from a range of different countries tackle legal, economic and judicial models in force in their respective countries. In addition to Russia, six countries from the former Soviet union which are now independent, are examined, namely, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Ukraine, Moldavia and Georgia.
(SH)
*** Daniela Marie Wörner, Annette Roensch (Editors): (Un) abhängig?! Beziehungen zwischen Lateinamerika und der EU. Peter Lang (see address attached). « Schriftenreihe zu den Passauer LateinAmerikagesprächen » series, No. 6. 2012, 99 pp. €16.95. ISBN 978-3-631-63947-4.
Written by four political scientists, this book illustrates the existing relationship between Latin America in the European Union. It is divided into two parts with one focusing on political aspects and the other on economic factors. In the first part, the author begins his analysis by examining the political dialogue between Europe and Latin America and subsequently establishes a critical balance sheet and provides a number of indicators as to the areas where this relationship can be relaunched. Another author looks at perceptions of Latin America among the public and the political establishment. In the second part, one contribution, written in Spanish, focuses exclusively on economic relations between Latin America and the Union. Finally, a contribution looks at the disastrous consequences of soya growing in South America for human beings and the environment.
(SH)
*** CEREN ZEYNEP PIRIM: Un exemple d'association à la Communauté européenne: le cas de la Turquie. Editions Bruylant (Groupe De Boeck, 39 rue des Minimes, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-10) 482500 - fax: 482519 - Email: commande@deboeckservices.com - Internet: http://www.bruylant.be ). « Organisation internationale et relations internationales » series. 2012, 573 pp. €95. ISBN 978-2-8027-3720-9.
This book stems from a PhD thesis completed three years ago at the Université Paris 1 - Panthéon Sorbonne. The author is now a senior lecturer in European law at the University of Bahcesehir in Istanbul. In this book, Ceren Zeynep Pirim shows both passion and conviction in her insightful exploration of Turkey's right to join the European Union. She bases her argument on the association agreement signed on 12 September 1963 that entered into force on 1 December 1964. She argues that this constitutes the, “fundamental legal basis of all discussions relating to the integration” of her country into the Union. She subsequently demonstrates that the country that demonstrated the most misgivings to this integration is a third country, “with which it has established its legal and closest links” and which is de facto Turkey's closest partner. Nonetheless, the right of association and its institutional system have created more divisions rather than bringing it closer. Today, the question being posed is whether this association will continue as planned, in preparation for accession or whether an alternative way forward will develop. In this respect, the author believes that the “integral” nature of Turkey would be “difficult to discuss” if the customs union and legal integration that this already implies is taken into account, as well as the progress achieved by Ankara to meet the appropriate criteria. Rather than becoming overly defensive on the question, the author goes on to the attack and argues that association, with the resulting legal and economic rights, was concluded in the perspective of Turkey's fully comprehensive accession. Bringing this issue into question again would be wronging this country because it would have been obliged to apply “policies developed without its own intervention” without receiving anything in return. In other words, without the perspective of accession, it would be extremely difficult for the European Union to find a legal requirement to force Ankara to respect customs union. This leads Ceren Zeynep Pirim to conclude that either complete integration is put back on track again or customs union will give way to another kind of arrangement.
(MT)
*** Main Focus Turkish Foreign Policy. Challenges and Chances. Südeuropa-Gesellschaft (49 Widenmayerstraße, D-80538 Munich. Tel: (49-89) 212154-0 - fax: 2289469 - email: info@sogde.org - Internet: http://www.sogde.org ). 2013, No. 1, 127 pp.
This edition of this bimonthly publication produced by an organisation providing information on Southeast Europe, founded in 1952, focuses on Turkish foreign and neighbourhood policy. The first part of it includes analyses and essays examining the lack of competitiveness in Greece (despite European assistance) and the need for the European Union to rethink its cohesion policy. It also looks at the final phase of Croatia's accession procedure and Turkish policy towards Syria. The second part sees several different authors getting right to the heart of the matter with contributions focusing on the future of relations between Turkey and Western countries, the internal driving force for Turkish policy toward the Middle East, factors influencing Ankara's foreign policy, the importance of Turkey's relations with the Union and the complexity of these relations.
(SH)
*** MOHAMMAD-REZA DJALILI, THIERRY KELLNER: L'Iran et la Turquie face au « printemps arabe ». Vers une nouvelle rivalité stratégique au Moyen-Orient ? Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité (Grip, 467 ch. de Louvain, B-1030 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2418420 - fax: 2451933 - Internet: http://www.grip.org ). 2012, 120 pp. ISBN 978-2-87291-034-2.
Mohammad-Reza Djalili and Thierry Kellner go back over the complex history of the economic and political relations between these two regional powers and analyse their respective approaches to the Arab Spring and to its outcome. The stakes are high as it not only conditions the influence of the two protagonists in Eastern Mediterranean, North Africa and the Arab world but also that vast zone's prospects of geostrategic development. The civil war currently tearing Syria apart is fuelled by the resurgence of strategic rivalry between a Turkey that is seeking to reconcile Sunnism and modernism and cannot remain indifferent to the crackdown conducted by the Damascus authorities, and a Shiite Iran locked in its pseudo-theocratic dictatorship for which Bashar al-Assad's support appears as the ransom to be paid in order to avoid total isolation on the international scene. In this game, Turkey, a dominant emerging power in the region, is marking points, while the regime in Tehran not only does not inspire revolts in the Arab world, as the authors point out, but also falters under the burden of sanctions relating to the nuclear dossier and may also lose its Syrian ally.
(EDD)