*** LUKÁS MACEK: L'élargissement met-il en péril le projet européen ? La Documentation française (29 quai Voltaire, F-75344 Paris Cedex 07. Tel: (33-1) 40587500 - Internet: http://www.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr ). « Réflexe Europe / Débats » series. 2011, 171 pp. €8.55. ISBN 978-2-11-008532-0.
In their attempt to enlarge the European Union, have Community and national political leaders irredeemably weakened the project of the “founding fathers” and provoked a potentially devastating “enlargement fatigue” amongst the EU's citizens? This is one of the basic questions that the author, Lukás Macek, attempts to answer in this book. He is the director of Central and Eastern European studies at the Sciences Po Paris faculty in Dijon. In this small but highly informative book, he provides a number of extremely detailed answers to this fundamental question. As Jacques Rupnik points out in his preface, the author has at least the merit of reviewing and correcting certain received ideas on the subject, “ beginning with the thesis that simplistically opposes enlargement and deepening and the complementary thesis that suggests that the latter has been sacrificed for the former”. He draws up a detailed and historic balance sheet of all previous enlargements that have transformed the initial “Carolingian Europe” into an enterprise on a continental scale. He subsequently demonstrates that each wave of enlargements provoked different fears and included different dangers, which leads him to argue that, “ any enlargement that does not kill the Union, makes it stronger”. He qualifies this idea somewhat, given that he also recognises that although enlargement towards the countries of Central and Eastern Europe did not kill the European project, “it did not reinvigorate it either” and the vote against the Constitutional Treaty by the French and Dutch people is sufficient testimony to this. The European Commission's over technocratic management of the “big bang” and member states' lack of vision and appropriate communication policies also helped create this situation.
In the second part of the book, Lukás Macek points out that enlargement is a perspective that is increasingly debated by national leaders (he draws up a typology of their attitudes on this subject, which range from the rejection of the principle to pragmatic support, in addition to reservations linked to be current situation and principled support, which can be dictated, as in the case of the United Kingdom, by a desire to water down the Union. Public opinion is also divided between convinced pro-Europeans and Eurosceptics (while much of the public supporting enlargement and many opposing it, in addition to some who are in favour of a pause, with accompanying identical approaches identified in the Eurosceptic camp…), liberals versus interventionists, government parties against anti-system parties and those supporting a Europe of power against a simple Euro area. In this complex context, the author looks at how it might be possible to reconcile the goal of further integration with the diversity characterising the Europe of 27 member states, which involves an examination of differentiated integration and strengthened cooperation. In his eyes, the author thinks that the compromise of a Europe travelling at different speeds is nothing but a pipe dream. He argues that building a Union of ultimately clearly defined goals is the only way of developing any exact sense to European citizenship, which the Turkish candidacy in this connection could prove illustrative. The European Union must cease to be, “ a political union in the making, which it is refusing to assume” and, on the contrary, declare what it is and what it wants to be.
After having drawn up a rather contrasting balance sheet of previous enlargements at a decision-making, socio-economic and political level (which also leads him to argue that political enlargement has also constituted a successful counterexample of robust and efficient foreign policy), Lukás Macek, in the final part of his book, seeks to draw a number of lessons for the future. He therefore examines the feasibility of other accession modalities to the Union, such as differentiated integration or the opposition's solution to the big bang scenario, which led to European leaders closing their eyes with regard to the relative lack of preparation in certain countries. More importantly, however, with regard to the question of whether it is appropriate to extend the Union's borders further, the author argues that the time has also certainly come where they should no longer accept (which was the case in 1973 and 1995) countries joining the Union as a simple marriage of convenience rather than a sincere expression of passion for the European idea. Although the “economic opportunism” of the Icelandic candidacy appears blatant, it would appear both correct and wise to take the Copenhagen criteria into account this time to the letter and which underline the obligation of, “agreeing to the objectives of political, economic and monetary union”. The author believes that the leaders of the Union no longer have the right to allow any ambiguity as to the sense and character of the European project and the difficult response that should be given to Turkey has to be based on a preliminary clarification of the identity and ambitions that this will create for the Union for decades to come. This too often concealed subject therefore appers to provide an enormous amount of food for thought but many people would certainly believe that it is no longer relevant because the current crisis is making the project towards creating a more politically integrated Europe with 27 members, or more, illusory.
Michel Theys
*** JEAN-LUC SAURON: L'Europe est-elle toujours une bonne idée ? Souverainetés nationales, Union européenne, Mondialisation. Gualino éditeur (Lextenso éditions, 33 rue du Mail, 75081 Paris cedex 02. Tel: (33-1) 56541600 - fax: 56541649 - Internet: http://www.lextenso-editions.fr ). 2012, 95 pp. €7.50. ISBN 978-2-297-02345-0.
If the back cover of this publication is to be believed, the book, “proposes an original journey through its different stages towards the United States of Europe”. This announcement is not untrue. Jean-Luc Sauron is a senior civil servant and lecturer at the Université Paris Dauphine and in this book makes a clear break from the prevailing reserve symptomatic of these two professions and speaks from his heart as a convinced European. Jean-Luc Sauron is concerned about the fate the different countries are devising for Europe and because of them European citizens are left completely disoriented and bewildered in the storm of globalisation as they are, indeed, those who have really been forgotten in the Eurozone crisis. Suddenly, the European project now finds itself under threat of being torn apart by the renationalisation of the economic area and the thrusts of backtracking globalisation and expanding protectionism. The author provides a dynamic examination of the Union's position in the globalised landscape, as well as the question of how to best manage the diversity of European societies and does not mince his words, “only the construction of a federal and ambitious Europe, anchored in the globalised environment, will provide the necessary framework for a flourishing in solidarity and European patriotism”. In order to do reach the goal of the “United States of Europe”, he firstly suggests that leaders from the member states, the only ones now found at the helm, stop managing Europe as if it were a collectively owned building and start taking the long-term future into account. The author is, however, sufficiently realistic not to argue that the “big night” for federalism is just around the corner and this is why he advocates that they first of all fight to obtain an appropriate Union budget. More audaciously, Jean-Luc Sauron calls on France and Germany to bring about a “Franco German Federation”, which would be the basis for a, “Rhenish Federation”, including Benelux countries, which would together be a comprehensive unit as such within the Union. This federation would obviously be open and would form the, “experimental basis for the United States of Europe”, which, as permitted under Article 50 of the Treaty, could withdraw from the Union as soon as a critical mass in number of federated states were achieved, “for example, a large majority or two thirds of the current 27 member states”. This is supplementary proof that a lot of Europeans are not prepared to accommodate to the pace that has been imposed for too long by the most sluggish and least ambitious of countries!
(MT)
*** CHRISTIAN FRANCK, MAITE VAN DEURSEN: La présidence belge du Conseil de l'Union européenne ( July-December 2010). Centre de recherche et d'information socio-politiques (Crisp, 1A place Quetelet, B-1210 Brussels. Tel: (32-2) 2110180 - fax: 2197934 - Internet: http://www.crisp.be ). "Courrier hebdomadaire" series, No. 2116-2117. 2011, 63 pp. €12.40.
Does the twelfth Belgian presidency of the European Council of the Union, which took place during the second half of 2010, deserve distinguished political scientists devoting a weekly newsletter on this subject? It would appear that it does, even though the authors acknowledge and demonstrate that this presidency achieved few significant results. Nonetheless, although this presidency was exercised by a government with limited power and skills, Professor Christian Franck and his colleague showed that the credibility deficit linked to the resignations of his ministers did not prove that damaging. Although this Belgian presidency should be examined, it is particularly because it cha racterised the exercise of the rotating presidency in an institutional context bequeathed by the Lisbon Treaty. Yves Leterme and his ministers did, in fact, seek to ensure that the “four wheels” of the European decision-making apparatus, namely, the president of the European Council and the Commission, together with the High Representative and the European Parliament, “went forward at the same speed and in the same direction”, without the Belgian presidency having to play the role of a “fifth tank wheel”, according to the imagined formula of the foreign affairs minister at the time, Steven Vanackere. This “discourse of the method” and the good practices developed during this six month period outlined the, “contours of a new institutional orthodoxy”. The authors push this slightly jingoistic but not misplaced conclusion just a little too far, “the following presidencies will not employ all the rhetoric of modesty cultivated by Y. Leterme and S. Vanackere, but neither will any of them have a lot of freedom to detract from the work mode proposed by the 12th Belgian presidency”.
(MT)
*** CHARALAMBOS PETINOS: Union européenne 2012. La présidence chypriote et la question turque. L'Harmattan (5-7 rue de l'École Polytechnique, F-75005 Paris. Tel: (33-1) 43258203 - Email: diffusion.harmattan@wanadoo.fr - Internet: http://www.librairieharmattan.com ). 2011, 149 pp. €15.50 ISBN 978-2-296-56369-8.
In anticipation of the first Cypriot presidency of the Council of the Union, beginning on 1 July next, a Cypriot historian has written this book on what this presidency intends to do in light of tension between Cyprus, the European Union and Turkey. He explains that the Cypriot government will not be doing anything against this country but does point out that the Turkish minister for foreign affairs, Ahmet Davutoglu, has threatened to suspend relations between Ankara and the Union during the period of the Cypriot presidency of the Council of the Union. Occupation of the northern part of the island, partial suspension of accession negotiations and tension linked to the desire of both Cyprus and Israel to exploit possible natural gas sources are also discussed in a rather partisan manner.
(PBo)
*** JURAJ HOCMAN: Slovakia from the Downfall of Communism to its Accession into the European Union, 1989-2004. The Re-Emergence of Political Parties and Democratic Institutions. Peter Lang (1 Moosstrasse, Postfach 350, CH-2542 Pieterlen. Tel: (41-32) 3761717 - fax: 3761727 - E-mail: info@peterlang.com - Internet: http://www.peterlang.com ). « Publications Universitaires Européennes / European University Studies / Europäische Hochschulschriften » series, No. 600. 2011, 305 pp. €46.50. ISBN 978-3-631-61153-1.
This book is part of a doctoral thesis in history at the University of Ottawa at the end of a university career in which career the writer also obtained degrees in international law and international relations in Slovakia. In this publication, Juraj Hocman analyses the societal and political changes that have occurred in Slovakia since the fall of communism in November 1989, when his country joined the European Union in May 2004. During the 1990s, this country was considered by many observers as not having had any national history, consciousness or profile. The author seeks to rectify this misconception. The thrust of his the thesis is based on the argument that the cohesion of Slovakian society has enabled this country to overcome the trials of separation from the Czechs and meet the challenge of Union accession. The country was the first from the Višegrad Group to be able to participate in the single currency, which has been a success story and the ultimate icing on the cake. The author obviously provides a detailed examination of the political parties and institutions that managed this transition. This subject is not without interest, given that the former communist and now social democrat, Robert Fico, has just been put in charge of forming a new government following the victory of his party in the general election on 10 March last.
(Pbo)
*** CHRISTOPHE GILTAY: La France choisit son Roi. Petit précis des dérives monarchiques sous la Ve République. Renaissance du Livre (1 av. du Château Jaco, B-1410 Waterloo. Tel: (32-2) 2108914 - fax: 2108915 - Internet: http://www.renaissancedulivre.be ). 2012, 206 p.. ISBN 978-2-50705-025-2.
Who was the first president of the French republic to be elected by universal suffrage? Your most obvious rely would be Charles de Gaulle. Wrong! Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was elected president of the second Republic in December 1848 for four years. Given that he was not immediately eligible again afterwards, the nephew of the Emperor organised a coup d'état on 2 December 1851, which re-established the Empire. This is one of the very many pearls sprinkled throughout this beautiful book written by the journalist Christophe Giltay on the French presidential institution. Thanks to de Gaulle, under the Fifth Republic, this institution became the perfect balancing point between, “the very French need for a leader and the revolutionary aspirations of the latter's compatriots”. The author is as talented a writer as he is in front of the camera or a microphone and Christophe Giltay brilliantly demonstrates in this book the different aspects and roots of a real “monarchist flourishes”, which is explained by his colleague and mentor Philippe Alexandre in his preface, “British and Belgian journalists who attend European summits are always stupefied or a little mortified with the entry onto the scene of the French monarchy, which appears to sweep away the third estate of the European ministerial meeting before it”. This book should definitely be read before the ninth presidential election provides its verdict and which will add another figure to the gallery of portraits such as “Nicholas the Short” or even “Nicholas the Jammy” …
(MT)