Difficult but justified. Now that the Serbs have demonstrated both their strong democratic spirit (67% turn-out in the presidential elections) and their desire to be part of Europe, it is up to the EU to go beyond fine words and react with a double gesture: a) saying that it is ready to sign the EU-Serbia stabilisation and association agreement; and b) taking account of what will happen with regard to the independence of Kosovo in the way it acts towards Serbian majorities in the countries round about.
I am well aware that these two suggestions will be difficult to accept immediately, because some European governments have reservations about them, and courage and forthrightness are not the main characteristics of the Community institutions. The main obstacle to the signing of the EU-Serbia agreement, which is ready and waiting, is the Netherlands, and this is in part understandable. The Dutch people and authorities have not forgotten that the most painful war crime for which the Serbian armed forces were responsible 12 years ago - the massacre at Srebrenica, where 7,000 were killed - took place in a zone overseen by Dutch UN troops, and they want today's Serbian authorities to hand over the man who was in charge at the time, and who is accused of genocide, to the Court at The Hague. This desire is easy to understand, but linking the arrest of Ratko Mladic with agreeing to the signing of the agreement with today's democratic and pro-European Serbia is going too far. Which country has not, at some time in its past, been responsible for war crimes? Can the NATO bombing which destroyed the bridges over the Danube, one of Europe's most emblematic rivers, harming people who had nothing to do with Srebrenica, be justified ?
The EU has taken a step, in offering Serbia an interim political agreement that could be signed this very Thursday, and it is a significant step because of the many reservations and concerns of even some large countries, like Germany and the United Kingdom (see our newsletter n° 9589); but I believe that a further step should now be taken. Let us not forget that, in our countries, Sunday's vote in Serbia was presented as a referendum on Europe.
If it's valid for Kosovars, it must also be valid for Serbs. The second desirable point is more complex and tricky, but I believe the EU cannot shy away from a politically unequivocal and intellectually honest gesture. Everyone expects the relatively quick proclamation of the independence of Kosovo by its authorities, and the United States, and Europe generally, will accept it. Some EU states do not intend to recognise the new independent state immediately, for fear of encouraging breakaway movements in their own countries, but, generally speaking the EU is likely to recognise the independent Kosovo. This results from a statement of facts: the vast majority of Kosovo's population has nothing in common with the Serbs, neither from the point of view of ethnic origin (they are Albanian), nor from the point of view of religion (they are Muslim), nor from the point of view of culture (they have another language, another history, other traditions); and they are calling for independence. In the face of these pressing arguments, the old borders, drawn years ago between the various component parts of the federal Yugoslavia, can no longer be considered immutable.
This reasoning cannot simply be transferred in all cases and all situations: it would lead to chaos in the world. However, it must be admissible at least in the same region and with regard to the same population. If the old borders are no longer appropriate, and it is up to the inhabitants to choose, the EU has to work on the same principle for those areas where the Serbs form the clear majority, whether in certain parts of Kosovo or in Bosnia or elsewhere. The EU has to recognise that these Serbs have a similar right to self-determination. It is a matter of dignity and consistency.
For the moment, the Serbian authorities have made no such requests because they still want to preserve current borders, which would keep Kosovo part of Serbia. But the day when they are forced to give up on this principle, even though Kosovo is the very cradle of their civilisation, will be the day when there should be the right to autonomy throughout the whole region. The EU has rejected the notion of ethnic cohesion in the former Yugoslavia in the name of principles that are no doubt noble although in part illusory (this can be seen everywhere, in Africa and in Asia, and maybe one day in the United States). If the EU recognises the principle of ethnicity, and even religion, then, as a corollary, that principle becomes valid for everyone. (F.R.)