Morocco's Ambassador to the European Union, Ahmed Reda Chami, has given EUROPE an update on the extent of relations between Morocco and the European Union, notably in the area of migration. He also said that the discussions with the European Commission on finding a solution that will enable the bilateral agricultural agreement to be in line with European case-law on the Sahrawi question were about to take an important step forwards on Monday 11 June. (Interview conducted by Mathieu Bion and Lionel Changeur)
Agence Europe: How would you describe the extent of relations between your country and the European Union today?
Ahmed Reda Chami: Europe's choice is a choice assumed by Morocco with an initial cooperation agreement signed in 1969. Why? Firstly, geography links us as we are 14 km from the European coast. History does not deny this either. What is more, Morocco believes in the universal values that are yours. A significant Moroccan diaspora – 3.5 to 4 million people – lives in Europe. And lastly, the economic aspect – our trade with the EU accounts for €35 billion per year, including €21 billion in imports to Morocco and €14 billion in exports to the EU.
This basis means that we are working together on issues like climate change, security, peace, the fight against terrorism and illegal migration.
The European Court of Justice ruling in December 2016 meant that this partnership was, I would not say frozen, but put on a pretty slow path.
A third party – in this case, the Polisario Front which we deem a separatist movement – went to the European Court of Justice to challenge the agricultural agreement and the fisheries agreement.
In December 2016 the Court said that products from the Sahara could not benefit from the tariff preferences in the agricultural agreement (see EUROPE 11694). And it recently said that the fisheries agreement was valid (see EUROPE 11970) but that it did not include the waters adjacent to Western Sahara, which we call Moroccan Sahara.
We then asked the Europeans to work with us so that our bilateral agreements might be legally solid, immune from all external attack, and for the partnership to be as strong as before and even stronger in the future.
In the meantime, we have reservedly resumed our avenues of cooperation on different subjects in the partnership.
With the current succession of Council presidencies situated in Central and Eastern Europe, do you not fear that the EU is focusing its attention on its flank - to the detriment of the Mediterranean shore?
Frankly, no. We would trigger the alarm bell if that was the case. Europe is aware of this. It cannot block out the south. Africa will double in size by 2050.
This poses a problem for migration, but Africa is one of the continents experiencing the strongest growth, so these are also opportunities.
On the challenge of migration for Europeans, are you not concerned about speeches prioritising the protection of the EU's external borders?
We do not pass judgement on the member states' migration policy.
What are we doing in Morocco to help reduce illegal migration? We have readmission agreements with Spain, France, Italy and Belgium. We readmit illegal Moroccan migrants to our territory. The agreement with Spain goes further as we readmit illegal Africans if it can be proved they have passed through Morocco.
We have a readmission agreement on the table with the EU, which we have started discussing and which we should finalise in the coming months, once we have responded to the Court judgments.
Morocco has 12,000 paramilitaries deployed on the Northern borders of Morocco to prevent illegal migrants leaving for Europe. It is a considerable effort, with very little support from the EU.
In addition to the 'monitoring' aspect, there is also the 'humanitarian' aspect to take into account. In 2014, Morocco started an initial wave of regularisations of illegal migrants who were not able to enter Europe. Out of 29,000 applications, we regularised 25,000 people of sub-Saharan origin, including all the women and children. These people have access to health care, to education for their children and to the labour market.
A second wave was initiated in 2017, and the unofficial figures are close to 25,000 people. But a large part still wants to leave for Europe.
Morocco is implementing a real strategy of investment in Africa. What transmission role can it play in relation to the EU's commitment on this continent?
We call this triangular cooperation.
The real solution to keep people at home is development. How do we attain this in Africa? There are several things – stability (things are improving even if the Sahel area remains troubled), governance (in order to facilitate the effective management of aid), and demography.
Europe can help Africa in basic infrastructure, education and social services, and support to the economy. And Africa must develop its manufacturing industry because it is private companies that create jobs.
Before the European Union-African Union summit we proposed a guarantee fund to encourage private European companies to go to Africa. Not the big companies because they are there already, but the SMEs.
We could also consider joint ventures between Moroccan companies and European ones in order to invest in a recipient country.
What approach do you advocate to respond to the rulings of the European Court of Justice on the agricultural and fisheries agreements?
In December 2015, the General Court judged that the agricultural protocol includes the Western Sahara, but that the products of the Sahara cannot benefit from tariff preferences because the EU Council did not enquire beforehand about the benefit for the local populations (see EUROPE 11450).
When an appeal was made, the Court made a different judgement in December 2016. It first said that is was not the benefit that is important. It also said, since the Western Sahara is on the UN's list of non-autonomous territories, it is on a separate list from Morocco. And as it is a separate territory from Morocco, it cannot consider that an agreement between Morocco and the EU includes the Sahara.
Luckily, the Court left a door open and allows us to adapt our agreements to include the Sahara.
We have worked with the European Commission on an exchange of letters between the EU and Morocco, which will be made public on Monday 11 June and which will amend the agricultural agreement by saying that products from the Sahara will benefit from trade preferences, as asked by the Court.
The Commission indeed asked Morocco to show that the populations concerned benefit from these agreements – so that this agreement might be more solid before the European Parliament and Court of Justice, if the agreement is attacked again in the future.
This idea is fundamental. If something is beneficial for a people, why would people oppose it unless it is for politics? If that is that case, this must be handled at the level of the UN.
Morocco has therefore shared information with the Commission on fisheries, agriculture, phosphates and infrastructure. On Monday 11 June, the Commission is due to present a report that I hope shows there is a benefit, and that will accompany an exchange of letters.
The Court also spoke about the consent of the Sahrawi people. It did not define the people in question and did not say how to move ahead to obtain their consent.
But there is no people of the Western or Central Sahara and it is impossible to organise a referendum. Morocco has therefore used consultation and the mechanisms of representative democracy. The business community has supported the agreements and we have consulted the regional councils concerned, as well as the foreign affairs committee of the second chamber of the Moroccan parliament. And we have given the results to the European Commission.
What is the rest of the procedure?
The Commission will publish the analysis of the information that we have sent. The Council will give its opinion by qualified majority on the revamped agreements. We think it will be approved because the member states understand that the partnership with Morocco is important. It will be put to a vote of the European Parliament plenary in October or November.
Some MEPs are calling for the UN to be awaited to resolve this problem before including this region. But if we put this to one side, you punish these populations. That runs counter to the right to development.
What is more, in the agreement that will be put to a vote, the Commission has taken care to write that this agreement is not a recognition of Moroccan sovereignty. But we ourselves will not be able to sign an agreement not including the Sahara. If we did that, it would recognise that it is not ours.
How have the agricultural agreements been changed?
The only change to the agricultural agreement is to say that products from the Sahara benefit from tariff advantages.
The products of the Sahara have benefitted from these tariff advantages since 2012 and the agreement's entry into force, but the Court asks us to state this. Farmers will not be affected by this change. The market conditions do not change.
The area that is highlighted in the region is small compared with the whole country. It must represent less than 1% of the total volumes. There is little phosphate, fisheries or agriculture of which 65,000 tonnes of tomatoes distributed to three destinations - part for local consumption, part for export to Africa and part for export to Europe - out of a total of 500,000 tonnes.
How are the negotiations going on the EU-Morocco fisheries agreement?
There was a second round of negotiations last week in Rabat, where the parties agreed on the text. The negotiations continue in Rabat at the moment on the protocol, in other words the vessel categories, the quotas of fish and the EU contribution. So, we are moving forwards.
This agreement needs to be renegotiated not only because of the Court's judgment but also to take into account the new common fisheries policy. It is the scientific establishment that determines the quotas, and this is done in a concerted manner.