*** NICOLAS CLINCHAMPS, PIERRE-YVES MONJAL (Editors): L'autonomie stratégique de l'Union européenne. Perspectives, responsabilité, ambitions et limites de la défense européenne. Editions Larcier (Espace Jacqmotte, 139 rue Haute, Loft 6, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-10) 482511 - fax: 482519 - Email: commande@larciergroup.com - Internet: http://www.larcier.com “Europe(s)” series. 2015, 304 pp. €85. ISBN 978-2-8044-7697-7.
At first glance, this book appears frightening. On the back cover, the "Schumann" plan is mentioned… which sounds all the wrong keys. This is just a typographic error and the only downside to a wonderfully collectively written book, stemming from a colloquy on 8 November 2013. This meeting brought very senior level academics and practitioners together, including two Generals. At the colloquy they analysed and put into perspective the different key elements and tools in common defence and security policy and subsequently highlighted the limitations of the purported European aims in this arena.
The first phase of the particularly enlightening introductory chapter is, “European defence is the symbol of the European paradox” by Nicolas Clinchamps. This senior lecturer in public law and director of the Masters in “strategic studies” at the Université de Paris 13 - Sorbonne Paris Cité appropriately demonstrates all the hard won rights into the context of historic truth and subsequently speaks with a somewhat excessive candour. Right from the get-go he points out that the objective of the founding fathers was indeed, “in the long term, developing a federation, the only format that could guarantee lasting peace”. Nonetheless, given that the, “emergence of a European nationalism…can barely find a place in the minds of people that have built multi-secular societies” (but have these people had the chance to speak on this issue and hasn't their voice been somewhat expropriated by their respective national leaders?). Monnet and Schuman had the genius, “due to the lack of power to impose a federal Europe from above…to get the idea of gradually building it from below, accepted”. The author argues that this pragmatic approach led to an enormous misunderstanding regarding the federal dimension of European construction. In an effort to preserve the peace, the first European Community began, “by federalising the war economy”, namely, coal and steel. But although Monnet and Schuman saw this as both a modest and major departure towards the federal transformation of Europe, “the coolness of the old European nations led to an historic misunderstanding”. Stalin's death led to more breath being given to the attachment of Europeans to their respective identities and nations. Instead and in place of the European Community of Defence and Political Union, which could have been obtained, we had the Western European Union, which some resembles a kind of “sleeping beauty”. Defence and the federal transformation of Europe were therefore plunged into a “deep sleep”. The former finally came out of this “thanks to the War of the Balkans” but although progress has continued since the Franco-British summit of Saint-Malo in 1998, the misunderstanding persists about everything and anything.
European defence has now become a legal, institutional and operational reality but it “remains on the margins” marking time because it has not “gone to the full term of its federal transformation” because the different member states continue to cultivate “the ambiguity between the federal state and the confederation of states”. This results in the autonomy of European defence remaining nothing but an illusion and this policy, in apparent gestation, remains prisoner to national sovereignties even though, “the states do not really have the means to defend themselves”. Consequently, the rapprochement that occurs is subject to “the forceps of budgetary restrictions” and for the most part remains a goal confined to the logic of cooperation and enhanced capability. Will the dream of the founding fathers therefore lead to failure? Perhaps not, concludes Nicolas Clinchamps on a timidly optimistic note because of its mutual defence and solidarity clauses and Common Defence and Security Policy, as well as the “spirit of federalism in its political dimension”.
The contributions made to this book provide insight that complement and help explain the overview. In the first part, three authors clarify the different aspects of fundamental questions relating to the nature and concept of European defence, as well as its historic development and the role played by, for example, the European Parliament. The international environment is then explored (such as in light of the relations developed with NATO), before the industrial and financial questions are examined. The conclusions are done so from a more specifically French viewpoint and drawn by Professor Monjal (Université de Tours) and are in exactly the same perspective as that setting the tone in the introductory chapter. He therefore recalls the words of Paul-Henri Spaak who, at the time of the drafting of the second Fouchet Plan at the beginning of 1962, explained, “If you don't want integration, you need Great Britain and if you don't want Great Britain, you need integration. You need one or the other…” On this basis Professor Monjal formulates the following pertinent and equally impertinent question, “And what if the future of the CSDP came about with the withdrawal for the United Kingdom?” Michel Theys
*** ANTOINE SAUTENET: Partenariat stratégique entre Europe et pays émergents d'Asie. Bruylant (Groupe Larcier, Espace Jacqmotte, 139 rue Haute, Loft 6, B-1000 Brussels. Tel: (32-10) 482511 - fax: 482519 - Email: commande@larciergroup.com - Internet: http://www.larcier.com ). "Droit de l'Union européenne ». 2014, 773 pp. €95. ISBN 978-2-8027-4093-3.
Antoine Sautenet's Ph.D. thesis shows that strategic partnerships between Europe and emerging countries in Asia, such as India and China, take into account the undeniable and lasting increase in power of these two countries and of Asia in general. These strategic partnerships bring a new response to the new multipolarity in the world. The author provides an account that is both that of a legal specialist and expert in international relations. It is backed up by accurate and exhaustive references and describes the variety of the different instruments used by the European Union to implement these partnerships. Emphasis is particularly placed on the non-binding instruments that help to incorporate a wide variety of subjects. Nonetheless, he is not slow to identify the shortcomings and loopholes in the strategic partnerships, whose concept has not yet even been clearly defined by the different bilateral documents that these partnerships consist of.
Antoine Sautene highlights the lack of visibility and coherence in the external European policy underpinning such partnerships, which are partly due to the variety of different instruments used. He also highlights the absence of real strategic and political dimensions and the fact that these partnerships still have a tendency to consider India and China as developing countries, with the subsequent advantages that result from this analysis of these countries. He also flags up the lack of European determination to underpin the notion of reciprocity in defensive trade interests or investment, intellectual property, environmental policy and public procurement, which he believes are still areas that need to be clarified. Finally, he looks at the co-contracting states in the Union, which also appear to want to benefit from a kind of separate wish list contained within multilateralism and avoid any commitment on the clauses that they do not believe in their favour, which has a negative impact on the effectiveness of these partnerships. Nonetheless, the author does indeed emphasise that this ineptitude to analyse the political dimension of globalisation and impose reciprocity is simply the reflection of the different divergences that exist between member states in the Union. During his explanations, the author puts forward a number of proposals that could make these partnerships more effective and define the strategic interests in question, on the basis of economic and political plans for the European Union.. (GLe)
*** CONSTANTINOS MARGARITOU: L'Union eurasienne et la haute stratégie de la Fédération Russe. Editions Sideris (116 rue Solonos, Gr-10681 Athens. Tel: (30-210) 3833434 - fax: 3832294 - Email: contact@isideris.gr). 2015, 160 pp. €13. ISBN 978-960-080682-3.
In 2011, the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, expressed his wish to create a new economic and political order by launching, on the territory of the former Soviet Union, a supranational entity entitled the Eurasian Union. This has now become a reality in the shape of a "Eurasian Economic Union". The political scientist, Constantinos Margaritou and director of the Political and Economic Research Centre, believes that this Eurasian integration project could indeed be result of a Kremlin strategy to make Russia a superpower again. By analysing the strategic doctrine of modern Russia, the way its defence is organised with three other members of the Eurasian Economic Union (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia) within the collective security organisation framework and its alliance with China in the Shanghai Pact, the author believes it reasonable to assume that the Eurasian Union goes much further than simple economic cooperation. This Union could in fact be the focal point of a more advanced strategy developed by the modern Russian Federation. (AKa)
*** FILIPPO MARIA GIORDANO, STEPHANO DELL'ACQUA (Editors): « Die Welt war meine Gemeinde » - Willem A. Visser 't Hooft. A Theologian for Europe between Ecumenism and Federalism. Presses Interuniversitaires Européennes / Peter Lang (1 av. Maurice, B-1050 Brussels. Tel: (41-32) 3761717 - fax: 3761727 - Email: info@peterlang.com - Internet: http://www.peterlang.com ). "Federalism" series, No. 4. 2014, 342 pp. €49.20. ISBN 978-2-87574-219-3.
An emotional preface to this very beautiful book is provided by the theologian Hans Küng who provides portrayal of a man who worked for religious ecumenicalism and political federalism. The Dutch pastor, Willem Visser 't Hooft, was influenced by Karl Barth and created the foundations of the World Council of Churches of which he was its indefatigable First Secretary General until his death in 1985. In the spring of 1944, this gifted and open-minded Protestant also welcomed representatives from the European resistance to the forces of Nazism and Fascism, to his house in Geneva and who, on the instigation of Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi, were also engaged in the Federalist combat to put a stop to the deadly influence of nationalism forever. This is the history of a life that is recalled and brought to life in these pages. In the first part of the book, the links between ecumenicalism, Europeanism and federalism are explored between the wars, particularly in light of the action carried out by this Protestant pastor. In the second part, the different networks that grew up around this individual are looked at. The last part of the book includes the different contributions to some of his fellow travellers, such as Denis de Rougemont. (MT)
*** APOSTOLE KAVALIOTIS: Le dialogue bilatéral œcuménique entre orthodoxes et catholiques romains. Editions Papazisi (2 Nikitara, GR-10678 Athens. Tel: (30-210) 3822496 - fax: 3809020 - Email: papazisi@otenet.gr - Internet: http://www.papazisi.gr ). 2015 ,336 pp. €23.43. ISBN 978-960-022986-8.
The Orthodox and Roman Catholic Church have been engaged in a process of healing the wounds caused by the "Great Schism", for more than a century now. This is because they are convinced that the Tradition of the Church is but one. They also believe it is holy and apostolic and that they should therefore develop bilateral dialogue that could lead to the restoration of communion in the two churches. The initiative to restore this unity was taken by the Ecumenical Patriarch in… 1902. Since then, a number of steps have been taken but theoretical examination of the problem and good intentions have not been enough to resolve the matter. Specific action and, above all, the spirit of cooperation and mutual understanding are necessary. Moreover, there have also been certain areas of action that have gone against the spirit and can therefore have a negative impact on the subsequent course of the discussions. In this book, Archimandrite Apostolos Kavaliotis seeks to explore the different reasons that have led to this new period of stagnation in the bilateral discussions. He puts forward a number of proposals that could help ecumenical dialogue by involving not just the leaders of the churches, but also Christians as a whole and who have been weakened by a division that has left them without protection in a world threatened by war, inequality, oppression and human rights violations. (AKa)
*** ANDREAS ANDRIANOPOULOS: La colère de l'islam et les fanatiques du jihad. Qui sont-ils ? Que veulent-ils ? Comment s'agrègent-ils ? Est-il possible de les contenir ? Editions Epikentro (9 rue Kamvounion, GR-54621 Salonika. Tel: (30-231) 0256146 - fax: 0256148 - Email: http://www.epikentro.gr ). 2015, 224 pp. €12. ISBN 978-960-458585-4.
How is it possible to stop the spread of fanaticism when this is continually fuelled by demands and appeals launched in the name of psycho-neurotic certitudes devoid of reason and incitement to hatred based on stereotypes and deeply rooted prejudice? In response to this question he puts in the introduction of this book, Professor Andrianopoulos, the director of the Institute of Diplomacy and International Developments at the American College in Greece and the former Greek Minister of Finance, brings a number of answers by focusing on the real dimensions of fanaticism that pushes Muslims to taking up arms in a supposedly holy war not just in the Middle East where international attention is focused but also in Russia, the Crimea, Asia and Europe because Islam is now everywhere. The author attempts to provide a profile of those who have succumbed to the most extreme of these appeals. What are their objectives and who are they, what do they think and are their hopes possible? Are they capable of achieving these goals by ultimately condemning people to live in a nightmarish context of insecurity and bloody conflict? Is it still possible to counter their subversive goals by mobilising more moderate figures in the Muslim world or is the only way of getting out of this situation found in a merciless confrontation with these Islamic extremists? These are some of the questions that Andreas Andrianopoulos seeks to answer, without nobviouslyn definitively concluding the debate on this burning question… (AKa)