A lot of changes are occurring in Italy and the media is covering events on an hourly basis across the world; it would be pointless to go back to what has just happened. Nonetheless, a few reminders and comments about the three main figures at the crux of the matter - Giorgio Napolitano, Mario Monti and Silvio Berlusconi - could prove useful. This column has always avoided delivering judgments about the heads of state and government in Community countries, out of respect for the people who elected them. Their democratic legitimacy being out of the question I have rather done by best to understand the behaviour that they have adopted by exploring positive aspects in the situation (which has not always been easy). A few comments that touch even upon their private life appear unavoidable.
Impossible to govern. Leaving aside his political line, Mr Berlusconi's personal problems with the legal system made it impossible for him to lead the government because he was obliged to organise his political activity on the basis of the trials he was facing and his defence in the courts took up a large amount of his time. It's a little like if Mr Strauss-Kahn had maintained his role at the IMF or his candidacy for the French presidency. Berlusconi, however, remained adamant that he would perform his public duties instead of renouncing them. His situation was in any case untenable, his official resignation having been preceded by a loss of both influence and respect within the European Council.
The two other protagonists provide a completely different image of Italy in Europe.
The Bruges speech. Everyone is aware of the European role played by Giorgio Napolitano over the years, particularly at the European Parliament, and to what extent he has preserved the same state of mind at the presidency of the Italian Republic. Two weeks ago in Bruges, he opened the academic year at the College of Europe with a speech that represented a passionate and clarifying résumé of the European adventure. It also contained the tough position he would advocate in view of the current crisis. I will return to the first aspect when I examine the institutional reform of the EU. On the second aspect, Italy in the midst of the crisis, Mr Napolitano did not bandy his words with regard to the “categorical imperative for Italy to make a consistent and unrelenting effort to tackle its debt” by carrying out “structural reforms that will make economic and social growth possible and stronger”. He explained that “no Italian political force is able to continue the task of governing or put forward a candidate that can govern, without being aware of the decisions, even though they are unpopular, that it will now be necessary to take in the national and European interest (…) We will not abandon the euro to the attacks of speculation and the waves of panic on the financial markets. No one should have any illusions about this.” Before concluding his speech, he added that “nothing will be able to make us backtrack; whoever thinks the contrary should look at things again.”
Eloquent European pedigree. It is in the spirit of his Bruges speech that Mr Napolitano, as “head of state without executive powers”, conferred the task of forming a new government on Mario Monti. According to the Financial Times, Mr Monti is a technocrat who has not been elected by the people; he is in fact a senator and if he obtains a majority at the national parliament his legitimacy will be incontestable. This is a false argument and what counts is in his past and his political convictions. He was a European commissioner for two mandates (1994 - 2004) and in these roles he clearly demonstrated his European vision, as well as his independence when faced with economic and financial interests, and when faced with political pressure from all sides (including the US). Charges against Microsoft for infringing competition rules (€497 million fine) and the refusal to allow the merger between General Electric and Honeywell are two famous examples in this connection.
Following the end of his mandate in Brussels, he performed, at the request of the European Commission, a number of fundamental tasks that went largely beyond simple studies. He outlined the orientations that would facilitate the effective integration of member states' economies (through his report on completing and relaunching the internal market) and he proved the importance of creating eurobonds. On a number of occasions, Mr Berlusconi proposed to him that he join his government (foreign affairs in 2001, economy in 2004) but he always refused.
Everything still needs to be done. The project put forward by Giorgio Napolitano and the name of Mario Monti have already had an initial effect on the financial markets. This bodes well, but everything still needs to be done and the obstacles are indeed considerable.
Tomorrow, this column will return to a number of essential elements.
(FR/transl.fl)