While waiting for the energy dossier… Wednesday's mini-summit relaunched the Community debate on energy - which is of merit in itself, even if the results were mainly preparatory before the decisions that will come in future (or that we hope will come). I will soon give an update on this subject. However, I first want to complete the analysis of the French initiative that aims to relaunch the main part of European construction. After the comments on François Hollande's objectives and on a few institutional uncertainties (see EUROPE 10849) the crucial question should then be answered - what about the reactions of other member states to the French project?
A strategic objective. Alongside its operational content, Mr Hollande's project pursues a strategic objective - to eliminate the idea of the EU splitting in two, with central and northern Europe on one side and southern or Mediterranean Europe on the other, with France in the second group. The France-Germany link, which was at the origin of the first European Community (ECSC) would be severed! This is unthinkable - even if the opinions of Paris and Berlin sometimes differ. And Angela Merkel agrees. The very evening that the French project was announced she asserted: - the very solid foundations of Franco-German cooperation; - her good personal relationship with Mr Hollande; - the crucial role of France within the eurozone, even if structural reforms are needed in Paris. The main Franco-German difference of opinion at the moment regards - as we well know -Berlin's demand for a revision of the Treaty in order make eurobonds possible (which in practice are common debts of eurozone countries). And let's not forget Mrs Merkel's words - “I know that all is well with Germany when all is well with Europe”.
France and Germany broadly in agreement? Let's not forget either that the German chancellor had launched the idea of Europe's political union a year ago and that it was France that did not react at that time. Germany can therefore only be in agreement, in principle, with the current French project. Mrs Merkel has implied that she will not oppose the economic government of the eurozone, which would discuss (in François Hollande's words) “the main economic policy decisions to be taken by the member states, would harmonise taxation and would commit to a plan for fighting tax fraud”, and neither should the “convergence on the social level” be forgotten. The French minister for the economy and finance, Pierre Moscovici, said it was understandable that German public opinion has the impression that it is being asked to pay for the member states that are not accomplishing the necessary reforms. In his opinion, Germany's reservation about eurobonds is not principled opposition - “the eurobonds will be the result of a process, not a pre-condition”.
Italy positive. As for Italy, the new government is strongly committed to the European direction. The new prime minister, Enrico Letta, has chosen the slogan Europe is my compass. What is more, in the past he was minister for European affairs. His top priority is Italy's immediate exit - before the end of the month - from the excessive deficit procedure, which will enable Rome to once again benefit from European co-financing for regional and social projects.
Elsewhere, the name of the Italian minister for foreign affairs is a guarantee in itself - Emma Bonino, a former European commissioner and MEP. Bonino chose this title for the first written interview after her appointment to the Letta team - “Federal Europe? Now or never.” She has welcomed the French president's initiative - without hiding her fear, however, that Paris' objective may be an intergovernmental Europe, although “the route of a Europe of nations would end up by destroying the nations themselves”. Mrs Bonino does not advocate a Europe that would be concerned with everything. Her project is a light federation which has nothing to do with a super-state - a limited number of sectors would be made common: foreign policy, the Treasury, research, infrastructure and perhaps immigration. For the rest, each member state could keep its characteristics and traditions. The European elections would be reviewed, and the people would give their opinion on the Commission president, the commissioners and the president of the European Council.
Favourable conclusion. It is my belief that Germany and Italy are valid representations of the positions of north and south Europe, despite the inevitable and understandable differences between the countries of the two sides. My overall conclusion is that the French project represents a positive element in the current phase of European construction - provided that the institutional aspect is clarified.
(FR/transl.fl)