The theme of Europe is well and truly present. I believe it is both significant and instructive how the three main candidates to the presidential elections in France have, each in their own way, introduced the theme of Europe into their electoral campaign - not from a negative or sceptical view point, which is so often the case in most journalistic and even academic circles in this country, but from a point of view that is indeed critical but also generally positive, clearly in favour of re-activating European construction and of the role that France should play in doing so (see yesterday's column).
Nicolas Sarkozy, in particular, when speaking in Strasbourg on 21 February, went considerably beyond the stage of general, more or less rhetorical affirmations, to give a clear definition of the guidelines that the European Union should, in his view, follow on a number of essential aspects. He clearly asserted that these would be the positions that France would adopt in Brussels if he were elected. The starting point for Europe is the resolve to exist as such: “Where is Europe's determination? No European Constitution, irrespective of its quality, could answer such a question”. Such a stance also takes on tactical significance to go beyond the stage when the distinction between good and bad Europeans is determined by whether or not they ratify the constitutional treaty. This intention was made all the clearer when he added: “I want to say how sad I was at the Madrid meeting where, for the first time since 1945, 18 European countries met to speak of Europe's future, without France. It is not the idea that I have of Europe”.
At this point, Mr Sarkozy expressed his profession of faith: “I want Europe, I want it with all my strength, all my heart, all my soul, and all my reason. Because I want peace. Because I want European humanism to take its rightful place in the world civilisation. Because France can do nothing without Europe. (…) But I don't want a cut-price Europe, one without ambition, a Europe that is content to prevent member states from acting without giving itself the means to do so (…). The founding fathers believed it was a matter of producing, inventing and living together. What is left of this in a Europe that only speaks of competition, free trade and the strength of the currency?”.
Something new in a national electoral campaign. So what sort of Europe is Mr Sarkozy advocating? I believe my comments would be obscure for readers if I did not add a schematic summary of the positions that Mr Sarkozy has clearly stated will be the French positions if he is elected. I have no recollection of any programme that is as precise and detailed on European affairs in a national electoral campaign (except in a more general way by Guy Verhofstadt on the fringe of the official electoral campaign, which has not yet begun in Belgium). And I shall of course not conceal the fact that the interest I feel for Mr Sarkozy's initiative is not unrelated to the fact that several guidelines partly correspond to recurrent themes in this column, such as: the highly political objectives that the “fathers of Europe” pursued when they launched the first Community in the fifties of last century, tasks that were then taken up by politicians; the need for a “European identity” which is not watered down by globalisation but which is mainly expressed in the principle of “Community preference”; and the vital need to safeguard European agriculture. I could go on to cite others. See the second half of this column on the next page.
Tomorrow, when readers have before their eyes the schematic form of the text to which I refer, I shall try to point out why I consider that the pro-European attitude that now seems to be a characteristic feature of the electoral campaign in France may have an influence on the diplomatic work being undertaken by the German EU presidency for defining the “roadmap” for reactivating Europe. (F.R.)